Morocco and Algeria, sharing a common Berber cultural and linguistic heritage, have a complex and often strained relationship. To understand the nature of this rivalry, a brief history lesson is in order. Both countries were also dominated by France beginning in the 19th century, but that is where their histories started to differ.
Location of Morocco and Algeria
Historical Divergences
The French army conquered Algeria from 1803 to 1847 and essentially annexed it, making it a province of France proper rather than just a colony. Prior to the 20th century, the border between Morocco and Algeria was never delineated. The French exercised tighter control of Algeria than they would have over a colony, and they saw it as an integral part of their nation. Then, in 1903, the French authorities in Algeria began to expand westward, laying claim to Bechar and Tindouf-both areas the Moroccans saw as traditionally belonging to the Moroccan crown.
This was the status quo until 1956, when Morocco gained independence from France. Morocco demanded that Bechar and Tindouf be returned, and the French refused. Six years later, Algeria won its independence after a bloody struggle against France. Morocco then saw an opportunity to regain its lost territories, as the Algerian military was diminished after years of guerilla warfare. Limited skirmishes escalated into war in September 1963, with initial Moroccan advances grounding to a halt in October in the face of stubborn Algerian resistance.
The Sand War and its Aftermath
While the Sand War was brief, it set a negative tone that has colored Moroccan-Algerian relations ever since. The most significant ramification of this has been the issue of Western Sahara, a region located between southern Morocco and Mauritania, which Morocco sees as an integral part of its traditional kingdom.
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The Sahrawis (inhabitants of Western Sahara) reject Morocco’s claim, and they launched a campaign for independence when Spain withdrew its colonial claims in 1975. Consequently, Morocco organized the “Green March,” in which 350,000 Moroccans marched into Western Sahara as an act of mass protest against Sahrawi independence claims, effectively annexing the territory into Morocco, where it remains to this day. In response, the Sahrawis established the Polisario Front as a political-military organization to advance its quest for independence. Algeria, already at odds with Morocco over the border dispute and a champion of popular independence movements worldwide, began supporting the Polisario Front both financially and militarily. Additionally, Algeria welcomed large numbers of Sahrawis in refugee camps in Tindouf.
The territory of the former colony of Western Sahara territory has caused a deep-seated antagonism and general mistrust between Algeria and Morocco that has permeated all aspects of Moroccan-Algerian relations. After Spain announced its intention to abandon the territory in 1975, relations between Morocco and Algeria, both of which had previously presented a united front, disintegrated.
Algeria, although not asserting any territorial claims of its own, was averse to the absorption of the territory by any of its neighbors and supported the Polisario Front's wish to create an independent nation in the territory. Guerrilla movements inside the Saharan territory, particularly the Polisario Front (Frente Popular para la Liberación de Saguia el Hamra y Río de Oro), having fought for Saharan independence since 1973, immediately proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR). Algeria recognized this new self-proclaimed state in 1976, and has since pursued a determined diplomatic effort for international recognition of the territory; it has also supplied food, materials, and training to the guerrillas.
Once the SADR gained diplomatic recognition from the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and many other independent states, Morocco came under international pressure. As a result, the Moroccan government finally proposed a national referendum to determine the Saharan territory's sovereignty in 1981. The referendum was to be overseen by the OAU, but the proposal was quickly retracted by the King of Morocco when the OAU could not reach agreement over referendum procedures.
In 1987 the Moroccan government again agreed to recognize the Polisario and to meet to "discuss their grievances." Algeria stipulated a solitary precondition for restoration of diplomatic relations-recognition of the Polisario and talks toward a definitive solution to the Western Saharan quagmire.
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Differing Alliances and Military Buildup
Since it gained independence from France, Morocco has developed a special relationship with the United States. The United States designated Morocco as a major non-NATO ally in 2004, and the two countries signed a Free Trade Agreement in 2006. In 2020, both the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain signed bilateral agreements, brokered by the Trump administration, to normalize their diplomatic relations with Israel. While Morocco escaped the worst of French colonialism and cast its lot in with the United States, Algeria suffered an extremely bloody war for independence that has influenced its perception of the outside world ever since.
Militarily, Algeria maintains the second largest standing army in Africa, second only to Egypt. It has the continent’s largest defense budget: $16.7 billion in 2023. It has sourced roughly 75 percent of its arsenal from the former Soviet Union and, secondarily, from China. In response to Morocco’s military modernization with the United States, Algeria signed a large contract with Russia in 2022 for submarines, Su-57 (Sukhoi) stealth aircraft, Su-34 bombers and Su-30 fighters. Algeria is also an important part of China’s Mediterranean strategy as part of its Belt and Road Initiative.
In 2022, the two countries accounted for 74 percent of all military spending in North Africa, with Algeria allocating $9.1 billion to its armed forces and Morocco spending $5 billion, according to figures from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). While Algeria has kept mostly constant levels of spending, Morocco’s military expenditure has doubled since 2005. It has focused increasingly on armed unmanned aerial systems, acquiring the MQ-9B Guardian drone from the United States and other models from Israel and Turkey.
Is Algerian military really stronger than Morocco's?
Recent Escalations and Diplomatic Maneuvering
The military buildup is not the only reason the rivalry has escalated in recent years. Several factors have emerged that have strengthened Algeria’s diplomatic position. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has compelled Europe to look elsewhere for its energy security, especially when it comes to natural gas. This has been an unexpected windfall for Algeria, which is rich in natural gas reserves and relatively close to Europe. In 2022, the International Monetary Fund estimated that Algeria recorded its first budget surplus in nine years, swelling international reserves to $53.5 billion (up $6.8 billion from 2021).
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The new Algerian government of Adelmajid Tebboune has taken other steps that have brought the country out of its long diplomatic isolation. For example, in 2020, the Algerian constitution was amended to allow the deployment of the armed forces outside the country. The move was made ostensibly to allow Algeria to intervene in Libya, if necessary, but constitutional revisions also allow participation in peacekeeping operations under the Arab League, the United Nations (UN) and-perhaps most important-the African Union (AU). Algeria’s increased participation in AU peacekeeping missions is significant because it can be seen as a direct snub against Morocco, which rejoined the group in 2017 after a long absence.
Additionally, Algeria submitted its application to join the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) group of emerging economies in 2022 and hosted an Arab League summit, where it took a pro-Palestinian stance critical of Morocco’s rapprochement with the Jewish state. Algeria is taking a temporary seat on the UN Security Council (UNSC) in 2024-2025, which will enable it to use new mechanisms to try to reframe the Western Sahara issue. The Algerians are also likely to attempt a reform of the UNSC to give African nations a more prominent voice.
Cultural Commonalities and Conflicts
The cultural relationship between Morocco and Algeria has a rich history that spans centuries. These neighboring countries share numerous cultural, linguistic, and historical ties that have shaped their interactions over time. Language plays a significant role in the cultural connection between Morocco and Algeria. Both countries share the Arabic language, with the Maghrebi dialect being spoken in various regions. The dialects in each country have their unique nuances and accents, yet they exhibit similarities that enable effective communication and cultural exchange.
Cuisine is another aspect that showcases the cultural similarities between Morocco and Algeria. Both nations boast a rich gastronomic heritage, characterized by the use of aromatic spices, flavorful herbs, and diverse ingredients. Islam, the predominant religion in both countries, influences various aspects of daily life, social norms, and festivals. Religious observances, such as Ramadan, Eid al-Fitr, and Eid al-Adha, are celebrated with fervor and create opportunities for communal gatherings.
Culture is a complex anthropological phenomenon that cannot be confined within the limits of modern nation-state borders-a more recent and contested political invention often inherited from colonial calculus over natural resources. This is particularly true in the case of the Moroccan Kingdom and Algerian Republic’s borders, which were engineered by their former occupiers after the 1845 Treaty of Lalla Maghnia. The impossibility of drawing a line in the sand between two intertwined cultures is the very source of the recent conflict between Rabat and Algiers. Disputed bordering districts like Tlemcen, Tinduf, and Bechar are witnesses of the demographic hybridity and heritage spillover of several forms of craftsmanship, musical expressions, and culinary traditions.
Moroccan Cuisine
Migration Policies and Divergent Strategies
Longstanding tensions between Algeria and Morocco have resulted in a series of standoffs since the countries’ independence from France in the mid-20th century. Their land border of more than 1,400 kilometers (nearly 900 miles), has been officially closed since 1994, and recent hostilities have disrupted not only relations between the two neighbors but also efforts at broader intra-African and intra-Arab connectivity. Although the nations have much in common-including Muslim-majority populations, linguistic and cultural ties, a shared history of French colonialism, and similarly sized populations and economies-their relations have been continually defined by persistent low-grade conflict.
This article provides an overview of migration policy in Algeria and Morocco, highlighting similarities and differences between the bitter rivals. While both countries have sought to limit migration from south of the Sahara, their motives have been different. Morocco has largely acted in response to EU pressure, while Algeria’s policy is more domestically focused. Sub-Saharan migrants headed mostly for Europe have posed challenges for Algeria and Morocco since the 1990s. Both have viewed this migration pattern as a security concern and adopted similar practices to criminalize migrants’ passage. Yet they did so for different reasons.
Algeria has long opposed acting as gendarmerie of the European Union and has exhibited significant caution in collaborating with the bloc, especially on migration control initiatives and activities with the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). Morocco, on the other hand, does not have similar oil and gas deposits, historically has had a slightly smaller economy, and has been more amenable to migration cooperation with the European Union.
The results of these divergent strategies taken by Morocco and Algeria are partially reflected in current emigration patterns. Eighty-one percent of Algeria’s 2 million emigrants lived in France as of 2020, according to UN data, whereas Moroccan nationals are more evenly scattered across the European Union, with sizable numbers also in Spain (another European nation with long historical ties to Morocco), Italy, Belgium, and the Netherlands.
Perhaps surprisingly given bilateral tensions, Morocco is home to a sizable number of Algerian migrants. According to Morocco’s latest national census (from 2014), Algerians were the third largest migrant group in the country, representing 7 percent of all immigrants. On the Algerian side, the most recent available data from the National Employment Agency (from 2008) showed that 3 percent of work permits granted to foreign nationals went to Moroccans. This small number reflects Algiers’s repeated hostility towards Moroccans.
These divergent histories are also reflected in remittance inflows. Morocco received $10.7 billion in remittances via formal channels in 2021, according to the World Bank, accounting for 7.5 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP). Algeria received $1.8 billion, representing 1.1 percent of its GDP.
Table 1. Emigration and Remittances
| Country | Emigrants in France (2020) | Remittances (2021) |
|---|---|---|
| Algeria | 81% of 2 million | $1.8 billion |
| Morocco | Scattered across EU | $10.7 billion |
De-escalation and Communication
Relations between Algeria and Morocco are passing through a critical phase of instability, fueled by deep-seated distrust, historical grievances, skewed perceptions of escalation, a rapid arms race, and competing regional ambitions. As a result, both are increasingly relying on military deterrence over diplomacy. This situation is further exacerbated by their antagonistic views on numerous issues, particularly the Western Sahara dispute. These tensions are being further inflamed by a dangerous information war.
Media platforms in both countries have become battlegrounds of disinformation and hostile rhetoric. Amplified by the pervasive use of social media, this war of words risks triggering unintended consequences. Both governments, while actively leveraging domestic media to further their respective narratives, appear to underestimate the potential for this escalating war of words to spiral into a serious confrontation with destabilizing regional consequences.
Given their direct influence over state-run media, both Algeria and Morocco must cease all attacks against each other, a fundamental step for building trust. Next, they should adopt a joint media code of conduct to cultivate a sustainable and responsible media environment. Effective implementation would require a collaborative effort among media organizations, academic institutions, and both governments.
To achieve this, the Algerian and Moroccan governments should jointly establish a robust, dedicated communication hotline.12 To ensure comprehensive crisis management, this hotline should operate on multiple levels: a direct line between the heads of government for high-level strategic communication, and separate dedicated channels between the respective Ministries of Defense and Foreign Affairs for operational and diplomatic coordination.
By fostering direct communication and responsible media practices, this framework aims to mitigate immediate tensions and prevent unintended escalation.
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