Nigeria is a diverse country, rich in culture, religion, ethnicity, language, and education. While diversity is often touted as a strength, ethno-religious crises frequently threaten the country's unity and peaceful coexistence. The different steps that individuals and groups take to express ethno-religious identity in Nigeria tend to complicate cleavages without showing strong peacebuilding drives.
The sensitivity of religion in Nigeria has been a long-standing concern. It calls for building strong and resilient ethno-religious structures, with emphasis on religious harmony, inclusive political leadership, social justice, and reformed education objectives. The weaknesses of these structures are characterized inter-ethnic and religious conflicts. National integration in a diverse society includes deemphasizing religion in politics and governance.
This has eluded Nigeria, where the volatility of religious expression has contributed to violent conflicts and killings. Different religious sects and infighting commonly occur among the ranks of Muslims and Christians.
Influence of Ethnicity and Religion on Nigeria's Politics
Historical Context
Since its independence in 1960, Nigeria has been plagued by a complex power struggle within a client-patron political framework. The colonialists merely saw adherents to Christianity and Islamic religion as products of the processes of modernisation, social mobility and constant orientation which contributed to the achievement of their objectives. When the British came, they capitalised on the same religious divide to rule the entire territory. Such colonial method of governance was called indirect rule in which, even though every religion comes with its symbols, belief, practices, institutions, policies and organisations, certain situations were bent to accommodate economic and political ambitions of the few Nigerians and British actors.
When a group of Nigerian army officers led a bloody coup that ended Nigeria’s First Republic on January 15, 1966, religious identities played a vital role in the failure of the rebellion its leaders had projected as a revolution. The killings were not well received by many northern Muslim officers in the Nigerian army who may have supported the coup earlier. The response was a counter-coup led by Colonel Murtala Mohammed and Brigadier Theophilus Danjuma.
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In 1982, Mohammed (Maitatsine) Marwa, a self-proclaimed Islamic purist, ordered his followers in the northern Nigerian cities of Gombe and Maiduguri to attack fellow Muslims because their worship style did not comply with his strict practices and teachings. While followers of other religious faiths also have vied for political influence and power in Nigeria, the course of violence inspired by the adherents of Islam, especially the Maitatsine sect, which later morphed into the ongoing Boko Haram insurgency, has led Nigerian Christians to seek ways to counter the M...
Map of Nigeria showing its location in Africa.
Constitutional Provisions and Secularism
In 1986, Nigeria registered as a member of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The non-Muslims viewed the development as an attempt to Islamize the country despite Nigeria's designation as a secular state. For example, Section 10 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), provides that the "Government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as State Religion." However, the same constitution in Sections 260, 261, and 262, also permitted Sharia Courts for Islamic law in civil proceedings, which other religious groups saw as breaching Section 10.
Gradual application of Sharia law on criminal cases other than civil proceedings makes some people apprehensive that it might affect non-Muslim citizens. It is reasoned that such legislation can promote conflict or jeopardize peacebuilding in a diverse country when the enforcement is abused. Compliance to the secularity principle in the Constitution implies that every symbol that denotes religion in national institutions and provisions that relate to religion in the constitution other than the aforecited Section 10 should be expunged.
The constitution bars the federal and state governments from adopting a state religion, prohibits religious discrimination, and provides for individuals’ freedom to choose, practice, propagate, or change their religion. The constitution provides for states to establish courts based on sharia or customary (traditional) law in addition to common law civil courts, although civil courts have preeminence over all other courts. Sentences may be appealed from sharia and customary courts to civil courts.
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Religious Freedom and Politics
Ethno-religious considerations polarize Nigerians in leadership selection. Every election comes with its own dynamics, which finds expression in ethno-religious factors including in the north, east, and west. This is most appealing in the selection of political leaders at all levels, and sharing of other sensitive positions. Since Nigeria's independence in 1960, religious balance reflected in the selection of presidents and vice presidents occurred in almost all cases, except for 1993 election when Social Democratic Party (SDP) presented a Muslim/Muslim ticket.
There has never been a joint ticket by one religious faith until political parties unveiled their presidential aspirants and the running mates ahead of the 2023 general elections. The All Progressive Congress (APC) submitted a south/north Muslim/Muslim ticket, which some critics label as being insensitive and divisive. Some argue that allowing the dominance of a particular religion in national leadership will reinvent a type of politics that provokes indignation and segregation, which appears to be a major cause of conflict.
Power tussles in Nigeria revolve around the same chain of controversy (ethnicity and religion, majority and minority, Christian and Muslim) and it is yet to be clearly streamlined in legislation or national practice. Many politicians and religious leaders in Nigeria discuss the fragile unity of the country by merely recounting ethno-religious sentiments and malice among different groups.
The imposition of State religion first existed before the advent of the British colonialists, who invariably institutionalised religion practice in government business using chiefs and Emirs to achieve their political interests. The chiefs and Emirs who stood as religious leaders, also operated as political leaders. Any disobedience from anybody outside the ruling classes was seen as economic, religious, and political threat.
CAN and JNI as religious tools have grown into such strong associations over the years that they are able to defend their religions, which the Nigerian 1999 Constitution, Section 10 clearly guarantees through freedom of association. The Constitution exemplifies the section as follows: 'The Government of the Federation or of a State shall not adopt any religion as a State Religion.' This means there is prohibition of State Religion whose authority revolves around the term 'secularism' of the Nigerian State, and by which it is further implied under Section 1(1): 'This Constitution is Supreme and its provisions shall have binding force on all authorities and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria.'
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Representation and Inclusion
Ethnicity and religion contribute tensions in Nigeria as different groups feel inadequately represented and express their displeasure through conflicting demands. The Niger Delta region is demanding for resource control; the minority is demanding equal treatment with other groups; some groups in southeast and southwest are asking for breakup of the federation. Furthermore, many others are talking about power devolution, and alteration of revenue sharing formula to favor states. These fundamental questions are demanding for answers to injustices that seem to be threatening national unity in Nigeria.
To implement power rotation in Nigeria requires legislation that defines the modalities and deepens the benefits for democracy and national integration. Despite the opposition to this peacebuilding option, it may mitigate political agitation and open the political space for dialogue and shared understanding.
The Role of Education
Education can play a critical role in enhancing peace, but in Nigeria, it has ceased to impart virtues that encourage peacebuilding. The Nigerian government would do well to reevaluate its use of ethnicity-based quota systems in higher-education admission and employment for their effect on national unity. Such practices can sacrifice merit-based hiring and cause displeasure among ethno-religious groups.
Civic education in the school system in Nigeria could be reformed in order to blend theory and practice, without the theory contradicting the action(s) and inaction(s) of their political leaders.
Religion and Public Opinion
Religion influences Nigerian society, and many people rely on spiritual leaders for guidance on various issues, including politics, health and wellness, economic breakthroughs, and even social relationships such as marriage. Politicians visit religious leaders to build relationships with them and to demonstrate their commitment to addressing the concerns of the leaders’ communities. Places of worship provide significant platforms for political campaigns, particularly during elections.
Two reasons may explain the elevated influence these men and women of God wield. Unlike in German and Belgian societies, where pastors receive salaries from the state, Nigerian church leaders are self-supporting. They operate under the old aphorism that those who preach the Scriptures must live by them. Because of their independent income sources, most Nigerian pastors are not accountable to the government.
The more pervasive and sordid reason why religion and clerics wield extensive power in Nigerian politics resides in the structure of society and the archaeology of power politics. Nigerian politics is deeply rooted in and infused with spiritual powers.
Contemporary Challenges and Violence
There continued to be frequent violent incidents, particularly in the northern part of the country, affecting both Muslims and Christians, resulting in numerous deaths. The international Christian organization Open Doors stated that terrorist groups, militant herdsmen, and criminal gangs were responsible for large numbers of fatalities, and Christians were particularly vulnerable.
Senior Christian and Muslim religious leaders made statements criticizing what they said was the government’s inaction in the face of continued widespread violence. Sultan of Sokoto Mohammed Sa’ad Abubakar III, the senior Muslim cleric in the country, said after the same incident that any government that “cannot provide security for its citizens had no moral justification to exist.”
According to NGOs and press reports, during the year, the level of violence and insecurity increased, including in the predominantly Muslim North West, where expanded numbers of criminal groups carried out thousands of killings, kidnappings, and armed robberies.
In May, a mob overpowered school security and killed a Christian student in Sokoto who had posted a message on social media that some fellow students deemed as intentionally disparaging to religious sensitivities. Mob attackers widely circulated the video of her killing on social media.
There were numerous kidnappings, both of clergy and members of religious groups. In separate incidents in September, militants attacked Cherubim and Seraphim churches in Niger and Kaduna States and abducted approximately 120 individuals.
A church damaged during religious violence in Nigeria.
International Perspectives and Engagement
Government representatives met with senior government officials and raised issues such as the resolution of widely publicized blasphemy cases, the role of religious leaders in peacebuilding and social trust, reports of societal abuses and discrimination against individuals based on religion, and the role of religious leaders in national elections scheduled for February 2023.
The Ambassador and other senior embassy officials regularly met with interfaith and religious groups across the country, including the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), the Society for the Support of Islam (JNI), the Islamic Society of Removal of Innovation and Reestablishment of the Sunna, and the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council. They met with religious leaders in Kano, Kwara, Edo, Lagos, Imo, Rivers, Anambra, and Enugu States to discuss and encourage efforts to promote peace and religious tolerance in those states.
The embassy continued to fund peacebuilding programs in conflict-prone states, such as Kaduna and Plateau, and interfaith dialogue training for leaders in six North West and North Central states.
Demographics and Religious Affiliation
Government estimates the total population at 225.1 million (midyear 2022). According to the Pew Research Center, as of 2015, the country is 50 percent Muslim and 48.1 percent Christian, while approximately 2 percent belong to other or no religious groups.
Islam is the dominant religion in the North West and North East regions, although significant Christian populations reside there as well. Christians and Muslims reside in approximately equal numbers in the North Central region. In the South East region, Christian groups, including Catholics, Anglicans, and Methodists, constitute the majority. In the South South, Christians form a substantial majority. Evangelical Christian denominations are growing rapidly in the North Central and South East, South South, and South West regions.
The following table presents an overview of the religious demographics in Nigeria:
| Religion | Percentage of Population (2015) |
|---|---|
| Muslim | 50% |
| Christian | 48.1% |
| Other/No Religion | 2% |
It prohibits political parties that limit membership based on religion or have names that have a religious connotation. The constitution provides for states to establish courts based on sharia or customary (traditional) law, in addition to common law civil (i.e., secular) courts, although civil courts have preeminence over all other courts.
