Conferences play a crucial role in shaping the future of Africa by addressing pressing issues and fostering collaboration among various stakeholders. These gatherings provide platforms for discussing human rights, the rule of law, economic development, and political stability.
This article explores two significant types of conferences related to Africa: the All-African People's Conference (AAPC) and contemporary conferences organized by the United Nations and other entities. Additionally, we will delve into the historical context of the Berlin Conference and its lasting impact on the continent.
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The All-African People's Conference (AAPC)
The All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) was partly a corollary and partly a different perspective to the modern Africa states represented by the First Conference of Independent Africa States held in 1958. In contrast to this first meeting where only states were formally represented, the All-Africa Peoples Conference was conceived in the tradition of Pan-Africanism and invitees primarily included independence movements and labour unions, as well as representatives from ethnic communities and other significant associations across the continent.
Also in attendance were observer delegations from the United States, the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China, and a number of other countries. The All-Africa Peoples Conference was conceived by Ghana's Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah, his advisor George Padmore, and others to continue the tradition of the Pan-African Congress, which had last met in 1945 in Manchester. Its primary objectives were independence for the colonies, and strengthening of the independent states and resistance to neocolonialism.
It tended to be more outspoken in its denunciations of colonialism than the Conference of Independent African States, a contemporary organisation which, being composed of heads of state, was relatively constrained by diplomatic caution. The first conference was preceded by a Preparatory Committee composed of representatives from the eight independent African states-other than South Africa. The conference itself was attended by delegates from 28 African countries and colonies.
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Over 300 delegates representing African political parties and trade unions attended, as well as delegates from Canada, China, Denmark, India, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In his plenary, Mboya compared the conference to that of Berlin in 1884 and told the audience that Africans should control their own destiny, and pleaded to the US and Soviet Union to avoid dragging Africa into their Cold War. One important discussion was over the legitimacy and desirability of using violence against the colonial powers.
It was agreed that violence would be necessary in some cases. Concerning the struggle in Algeria, full support was given to the recently proclaimed Provisional Republican Government (Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne-GPRA). On the Cameroon, the Conference supported the fight of the UPC maquis, demanding full amnesty and UN-sponsored elections.
The Conference considered unity and solidarity to be key strategies in the fight against colonialism and economic domination after colonialism; it called for the establishment of Africa-wide organisations, including trade unions youth groups, and a Bureau of Liberatory Movements. It was at this meeting that the decision was made to establish a permanent secretariat at Accra. The first secretary-general was George Padmore, then living in Ghana. Kwame Nkrumah in his closing speech emphasised the importance of an independent African community, and that Africa's economic and social reconstruction should be based on socialism.
The conference had a massive impact on various independence movements, notably that of Patrice Lubumba, and imbued confidence. One feature of the AAPC was tension between conservative and avant-garde elements. The conference adopted a proposal by the Algerians and Moroccans for an "international corps of volunteers" to go to fight in Algeria in the manner of the International Brigade that had gone to Spain in the 1930s.
The Conference voiced considerable concern over neocolonialism-the tendency of the nominally freed states to actually remain subjugated to the imperialist powers because of economic dependency and other factors. I. The mood at this conference was more militant than at the second conference, partly because some conservative groups had withdrawn, and partly because the conference occurred during the crisis in the Congo.
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Internal contradictions within the AAPC led to its eventual demise. and the reality of world economic pressures; African radical-nationalist opposition movements in independent states, which states were considered by these opposition movements as clients or "puppets" of the West. The difference between the two groups was to prove fatal to the AAPC, as radical pronouncements by the Conference began to pose difficulties for its governmental members in their diplomatic relations with the more conservative African states.
All-African Peoples' Conference, Accra, Ghana, December 1958
Contemporary Conferences: UN Focus on Human Rights and the Rule of Law
Each year, the conference provides an important opportunity for Member States, UN practitioners and policymakers to engage with distinguished African academics and share knowledge and perspectives on pressing issues facing the continent and the world. Touching on themes such as the diverse dimensions of human rights in Africa, the evolution of the rule of law on the continent, and the importance of leveraging African scholarship in policy development, the conference aimed to drive tangible change, drawing on the experiences and insights of African thought leaders.
The conference was open to all participants, including UN Member State representatives and members of African regional institutions and Pan-African organizations at all levels, as well as UN and external stakeholders, including representatives from civil society organizations, the private sector, academia and the media.
Under the theme "Power, Justice, and the People: Human Rights and the Rule of Law for Africa’s Transformation", the hybrid event was held at the United Nations Headquarters, Conference Room 2. It was broadcast on UN WebTV with live interpretation and streamed on the OSAA YouTube channel, with the possibility of engaging in real-time through the YouTube chat. The United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA) organized the conference in collaboration with the United Nations Academic Impact (UNAI), with generous financial contributions from the United Nations Peace and Development Trust Fund.
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The Berlin Conference: A Historical Perspective
It was the late 19th century and European nations were beginning to look at the African continent as a more permanent resource base for their newly growing industrial sectors. More than the ongoing trade between the two continents that had run for decades, though, the Europeans wanted direct control of Africa’s natural resources. In addition, these countries aimed to “develop and civilise Africa”, according to documents from that period.
Thus began the mad “Scramble for Africa”, as it would later be called. Great Britain, Portugal, France, Germany, and King Leopold II of Belgium began sending scouts to secure trade and sovereignty treaties with local leaders, buying or simply staking flags and laying claim to vast expanses of territory crisscrossing the continent rich with resources from palm oil to rubber. Squabbles soon erupted in Europe over who “owned” what.
To avoid an all-out conflict between the rival European nations, all stakeholders agreed to a meeting in Berlin, Germany in 1884-1885 to set out common terms and manage the colonisation process. No African nations were invited or represented. In November 1884, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck took up the task of calling for and hosting the conference in Berlin at the Reich Chancellery, his official residence on 77 William Street.
For months leading up to that, French officials, in missives to Bismarck, had raised worries about Britain’s gains, especially its control of Egypt and the Suez Canal transport route. Germany, too, was worried about conflicting areas with the British, such as Cameroon. The Bismarck-led talks lasted from November 15, 1884 until February 26, 1885. On the agenda was the clear mapping and agreement of who owned which area. Regions of tax-free commerce and free navigation, particularly in the Congo and Niger River basins, were also to be clarified.
Attendees
Ambassadors and diplomats from 14 countries were present at the meeting. Four of them - France, Germany, Britain, and Portugal - already controlled the most African territory and were thus the chief stakeholders. Belgium’s King Leopold also sent emissaries to secure recognition of the “International Congo Society”, an association formed to establish his personal control of the Congo Basin. No African leader was present. A request by the Sultan of Zanzibar to attend was dismissed. Aside from those were nine other countries, most of whom would end up leaving the conference with no territory at all.
Outcome
Over three months of haggling, European leaders signed and ratified a General Act of 38 clauses that legalised and sealed the partition of Africa. The colonising nations drew up a ragged patchwork of new African colonies, superimposed on existing “native” nations. In addition, the General Act internationalised free trade on the Congo and Niger River basins. It also recognised King Leopold’s International Congo Society which was controversial because some questioned its private property status. However, Leopold claimed he was carrying out humanitarian work.
Finally, the Act bound all parties to protect the “native tribes … their moral and material wellbeing”, as well as further suppress the Slave Trade which was officially abolished in 1807/1808, but which was still ongoing illegally. Western “ownership” of African territories was not finalised at the conference, but after several bilateral events that followed.
The Berlin Conference
Impact
Historians point out that unlike what is widely believed, the Berlin Conference did not kick-start the colonisation process; instead, it accelerated it. While only about 20 percent of Africa - mainly the coastal parts of the continent - had already been staked by European powers before the conference, by 1890, five years after it, about 90 percent of African territory was colonised, including inland nations. Colonialists were believed to have largely disregarded previous alignments and grouped peoples of different cultures and languages together, even groups that were never friendly towards each other.
Paine, and many other political scientists, however, agree that colonisation determined the future of the continent in ways that continue to have profound geo-political effects on today’s Africa. Resources were looted; culture and resistance subjugated. Even after African leaders successfully fought for independence and most countries became liberated between the 1950s and 1970s, building free nations was difficult due to the damage of colonisation, researchers say.
Because of colonialism, Africa “had acquired a legacy of political fragmentation that could neither be eliminated nor made to operate satisfactorily”, researchers Jan Nijman, Peter Muller and Harm de Blij wrote in their 1997 book Realms, Regions, and Concepts. Following independence, civil wars broke out across the continent, and in many instances, caused armies to take power, for example in Nigeria and Ghana. Political theorists link that to the fact that most groups were forced to work together for the first time, causing conflict.
ASA Annual Meeting
The ASA Annual Meeting is the largest gathering of Africanist scholars in the world and is the flagship event of the association. The 2025 ASA Annual Meeting will be held in Atlanta, GA at the Atlanta Marriott Marquis from November 20 - 22. The Pre-conference PIPES Workshop will be held November 19. More information on hotels and travel can be found here.
Review our 2025 registration rates, which now include more equitable tiers and accessibility for Emerging Scholars in Africa and the Diaspora. Register for the 2025 Annual Meeting in our MyASA Portal. Pre-registration is required to access the CFP submission portal. Onsite registration tables will have hours posted closer to the event.
Review our 2025 Submission and Participation guidelines before submitting a proposal. Assemble a session you’d like to submit to the CFP by calling likeminded co-presenters. Register to submit to the main ASA CFP prior to its extended deadline of Saturday, March 22. Submit in our second-chance call for proposals with AfricaNow!, opening in August. Register to attend sessions without presentation. Participate in Coordinate Organization activities.
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