The Igbo people of Nigeria have a rich cultural heritage, deeply rooted in strong family structures and well-defined roles. Kinship is a concept that cuts across different cultures of the world, and each culture or society has its own definition of kinship.
Observation shows that kinship ties are dwindling among the Igbo people of Nigeria. This chapter sets to find out what constitutes kinship ties among the Igbo, how the ties are maintained, the reason(s) behind their maintenance, the cause(s) of the decrease in the relationship, the effect of the decrease, and the way forward. The family remains the base of every society.
Kinship is of great advantage to every society. John Mbiti enumerates that kinship controls social relationships between people in a given society, governs marital customs and regulations, and determines the behavior of an individual toward another.
Kenny Michael and Kirsten Smillie (2015, p. 70) describes kinship as an integrating force, an all-purpose social glue. Continuing, they note that “‘blood kinship’ provides the basis for the formation of cohesive groups, marriage, establishes cross-generational connections between them, and bonds of affection and complex economic relationships hold it all together.” The explanation likens kinship to a social adhesive that holds societal concerns in place.
It is a truism that language, society, and culture are entwined since every society expresses their culture through language. It is through language that every society socializes their younger ones into societal norms. Kinship ties are a cultural part of every society, which is expressed through language.
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The Igbo has a way of expressing the relationships between kin. Paternal kin are referred to by the generic term Nwanne m/Ụmụnne m “my sibling(s).” When someone wants to be more specific, they may use Ada anyị "our daughter” for a female, or Nwanna m "my father’s son” for a male. The choice is based on the belief that the groups descend from the same ancestor.
On the maternal side, a son or daughter refers to their maternal relations as nne/nna m ochie “old mother/father” while they refer to them by the generic Nwadiala “child of the soil.” In marital kinship relationships, both parties call themselves ọgọ “in-law,” but when they want to be gender-specific, they call Ọgọ m nwoke/nwaanyị “Male/female in-law.” Through such names, it is very easy for an Igbo to delineate the relationship between a group of people. The Igbo word for relations is ikwu.
When one does not want to be specific on the level of their relationship with another, he simply refers to such as ikwu m “my relation.” The younger ones are socialized into the culture. Considering the great importance of kinship to the society, it calls for great concern the weakness of the ties in some societies, especially among the Igbo.
Kinship has cultural peculiarities, and this chapter examines the Igbo kinship system.
The origin of kinship in Igboland, according to Iwu Ikwubuzo, can be traced to a primordial family which, according to myth, had just one man, Igbo, and his children. The primordial Igbo family always moved about and settled together, guided by the consciousness that they are of one blood.
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Ikwubuzo’s explanation is a very comprehensive one as it covers not only the origin of kinship among the Igbo, but sheds light on levels of kin relationships. It can be inferred that family is the foundation of kinship among the Igbo.
On kinship networks among the Igbo, Victor Uchendu points out that lineages constitute the most important kinship network. The lineages are father’s lineage, mother’s lineage, father’s mother’s lineage, mother’s mother lineage, and wife’s lineage.
The present study adopts Ikwubuzo’s first two classifications-blood kinship and kinship by marriage. This choice occurs because slavery has been abolished among the Igbo, hence the lack of data to account for it in research. Blood kinship and kinship by marriage are related because it takes a marriage to raise a group of people who are related by blood.
In blood kinship, the Igbo teach their children who their kin are from an early age. When a woman is married into a family, some of her husband’s kin, who could not join their in-laws' house on the day of marriage, pay a visit to the newly married, to see their new wife.
About a day after the marriage ceremony, the immediate co-wives of the newly married or other close co-wives (if the woman is the first to be married into the family), take her around the kindred to meet her husband’s kin. As they take her around, they tell her the relationships between her husband and the kinspeople.
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The newly married woman joins the meeting of inyomdi “married women in the kindred.” In the meeting, she meets other co-wives and learns more from the older women in the kindred about their husbands’ kin. When the newly married woman starts having children, she educates them by showing them their kin. The boys join the Ụmụnna “kinsmen” meeting while the girls join the Ụmụada /Ụmụọkpụ “daughters of the kindred” meeting. In such meetings, they meet their kin. They are also groomed to understand the importance of kinship.
Regarding kinship by marriage, the Igbo believe that ọgọ bụ ikwu atọ “in-laws are the third in line of kinship.” In-laws have earlier been mentioned to constitute one of the tripods on which Igbo kinship stands. From the day a man pays a visit to another family and pays the bride-wealth for their daughter, he and his kinsmen have become in-laws to the kinsmen of the woman whose bride-wealth they paid.
Whenever a man visits his father-in-law, he does not just stop at his house. The father-in-law sometimes takes him around to meet his own kinsmen; it is through such meetings that he knows his in-laws. He gets to know them more as he attends functions among their kindred. It is the same for the father-in-law. Although he may not deliberately plan a visit to his son-in-law’s house, but some occasions like title taking, a close relative’s marriage, and burial ceremonies take him to his daughter’s marital home. During such visits, he gets more acquainted with the son in-law’s kinsmen. It is through such visits and relationships that marital kinship is established.
On the part of the children, they pay homage to the maternal family. Victor Uchendu elucidates that:
A person is a privileged honorary member in his mother’s lineage. It is a place where he is made most welcome … he depends on his mother’s agnates to protect his jurial rights in his patrilineage. He seeks their support in any serious case in which he is involved.
A child gains much from their maternal family. Chiamaka Oyeka (2022) clarifies that the child who is referred to as nwadiana “child of the soil” has responsibilities toward their maternal family. Topmost in the list is to take good care of their sister, who is their mother. Failure to do so attracts its own punishment, especially when their mother dies.
A good kinship relationship has numerous advantages. Butari Upah notes that “Apart from maintaining effective social relationship, kinship provides a way of transmitting status and property from one generation to the next.” Among the Igbo, kin are solely responsible in matters that relate to burial and burial ceremonies. They help in marriages and title-taking ceremonies. They also help in the settlement of disputes among kin. They encourage and support one another.
Lambert Ejiofor makes it plain that “the sense of kinship regulates the behavior of related families to the point of goals, identity and shared life.” Kin bond among the Igbo is so strong to the degree that it affects sexual relationships. It is forbidden among the Igbo for someone to marry their kin or to have any sexual relationship with them. Any carnal knowledge of a member of one’s kin becomes incest. Incest is a taboo which requires spiritual cleansing. Everyone in Igbo society must have great respect for kinship.
Incidentally, kin relationships among Igbo are no longer what they used to be with respect to bonding and solidarity; time and societal evolution have left their mark on a culture that once served as the glue that bound groups. Alexander Aniche takes a look at the dwindling impact of the kinship/extended family system among the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria. His findings show that capitalism and such related forces of modernisation, industrialisation, urbanisation, transportation, communication, and Western education affected the socio-cultural life of the Igbo, especially as it regards kinship.
Based on Iwu Ikwubuzo’s classification, this study examines two classes of kinship among the Igbo: blood and marriage, since the third part is presently anathema.
Kinship by blood starts with a family. A family is established by the coming together of a man and a woman or women (as the case may be) in a culturally acceptable way. The family starts expanding as the couple starts having children. It follows that the first kin a child or children meet are their parents. The Igbo firmly believe that the father is the head of the family, and the children are taught the same.
The need to honor and respect the father is stressed from childhood, and this respect for fathers is further buttressed with the aphorism Nwa fee nna, nna erue ya “when a child honours his father, he grows to become a father.” The maxim brings to the fore what one gains by honoring his father, which is long life and the honor of having his own children.
The Igbo further stress the importance of kinship through names. Names, according to Doris Odo and Angela Asadu, are a mark of cultural identity, which expresses cultural reality in the language that bears the culture. The importance of a father as the first in line of kin is expressed in names.
The Okpala in Igbo Land
The Okpala in Igbo Land holds a prestigious position as the firstborn son in an Igbo family, carrying immense cultural, spiritual, and leadership responsibilities. This revered role is deeply rooted in Igbo tradition, where lineage, inheritance, and ancestral rites are strictly observed. The Okpala serves as a custodian of family heritage, ensuring that traditions remain unbroken and that family unity is upheld.
His leadership extends beyond the household, reinforcing communal bonds, while also preserving Igbo customs for future generations. Upon the father’s death, the eldest son inherits ancestral land, family property, and the sacred Ofo. This privilege comes with the duty to care for younger siblings while also managing family affairs with wisdom and fairness.
The transition of leadership is formalized through a traditional ceremony, during which elders publicly acknowledge the Okpala’s new status. This event reinforces his authority while also ensuring that family leadership continues without disruption. By maintaining justice and responsibility, the Okpala plays a crucial role in preventing inheritance conflicts as well as preserving family stability.
Religious and Cultural Duties of the Okpala
The Okpala in Igbo Land serves as the spiritual leader of the family, overseeing religious and cultural rites. He is responsible for conducting annual ancestral ceremonies, ensuring that the spirits of forebears bless and protect the family. These rituals, which include offering sacrifices and prayers, are essential in maintaining spiritual harmony within the household.
Through these responsibilities, the Okpala ensures that the family remains spiritually connected to its ancestors while also ensuring that Igbo customs continue to thrive. His role strengthens the moral as well as the cultural foundation of the family unit. The Okpala represents the family in village meetings and communal gatherings. His presence signifies the family’s recognition and respect within the larger Igbo society.
By actively participating in cultural events, he strengthens the connection between the family and the community, reinforcing Igbo identity and traditions.
Challenges Facing the Okpala in Modern Society
Despite the enduring significance of the Okpala in Igbo Land, modernization has introduced challenges that impact his role. Urbanization has led to family dispersion, making it difficult for the Okpala to maintain strong family ties and fulfill traditional obligations. Many firstborn sons now live far from their ancestral homes, limiting their ability to perform cultural duties.
The rise of Christianity and Western influences has also altered ancestral practices, with some families questioning the relevance of traditional rituals. Economic pressures and career demands often take precedence over cultural responsibilities, further reducing the Okpala’s active involvement in family affairs.
Many Igbo families continue to uphold the traditional role of the Okpala, adapting rituals to fit modern realities. By blending ancient customs with contemporary lifestyles, the Okpala remains a vital figure in family leadership and cultural preservation.
In African homes, Igbo daughters are mostly known as the structure of the home. In an African home, most parents like to give their daughters traditional names that start with “ADA” because it is commonly known to represent the first daughters in the home. Also sometimes describe their daughter’s appearance. Igbo traditional names have their own meanings. For example, my name Adaeze means “A king’s first daughter.” “ADA-First daughter, EZE-King”.
Speaking more from my experience so far as an Igbo daughter, I would say it’s tough but at the same time, it prepares you for the future. The main focus when you get older is traditional rights. “The Bride Price and Gifts for the parents and community”. This process will show out a lot of things and expect a positive outcome, but sometimes it takes a while because the community also has to agree to that process.
Igbo traditional rights include lots of steps, sometimes most people try to avoid it, but it can’t be avoided due to the type of community one’s in. Additionally, if someone is marrying someone that is deep down into tradition (Traditionally raised), Just expect a few changes. During the process of marriage rights, the family expects a bride price which is money given to the family for the daughter.
The bride price can be as little as ever, it really doesn’t matter. What matters most is the bride’s price list. Growing up I knew having a son is needed because they are expected to take after the father’s properties, just like how the father took after his dad’s. Properties are mainly shared within the Males in the family because they are basically the head of the family.
Types of Igbo Families
The Igbos have two types of families. These are the nuclear family (ụmụnne) and the extended family (ụmụnna). The nuclear family is made up of the father, mother and children. This family is an adaptation from the western culture. This type of family is now more recognized and has taken precedent over the extended family among Christians, educated and city dwellers perhaps due to economic constraints.
The nuclear family is what comes to mind among the Igbos at the mention of the word family(ezi na ụlọ). The extended family consists of one father, multiple mothers and children. Cousins, uncles, aunts, nieces and nephews fall under this category.
The extended family still plays a dominant role especially in the rural areas as a result of the desire to keep a particular lineage. The most important feature of the Igbo family is that all children belong to the father but only the male children inherit their father. The notion being that the female children are suppose to get married and get out of the family. Members of the same family, be it nuclear or extended are believed to trace their lineage to one ancestor and as such do not marry each other. It is a taboo.
There is always a close tie between the members of the nuclear family and the extended family.
NEW YAM FESTIVAL IN CONTEMPORARY IGBO SOCIETY OF NIGERIA
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