Ethiopia's history is one of resilience, independence, and a beacon of hope for Africans and African descendants worldwide. From ancient civilizations to modern struggles, Ethiopia has captivated the world's attention, especially during times of conflict and oppression.
Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia
The Italo-Ethiopian War and African-American Solidarity
In the early years of the 20th century, the kingdom of Ethiopia captured the attention of many African Americans who saw in that small country's attempts to maintain its independence in the face of colonial encroachment a reflection of their own efforts to achieve freedom and equality in American society. Indeed, Ethiopia's history as an important African civilization had long made it the anchor upon which both continental and diaspora Africans based much of the Pan-African tradition.
African-American sympathies with Ethiopia reached a particularly high level during the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1936-1941, which, pitting an aggressive European power against a much weaker, unoffending African country, symbolized for many the ongoing struggle between the races. In this diligently researched and illuminating book, Joseph E. Harris discusses the efforts of black Americans to assist Ethiopia and to claim their common heritage with Africans.
On October 3, 1935, the forces of Italian dictator Benito Mussolini began their advance upon Ethiopia, known in earlier times as Abyssinia. Italy had long coveted the territory to expand their colonial influence in East Africa. In 1896, Ethiopians had turned back an Italian invasion at Adwa (Adowa), serving as an example of a Black-led country’s defiance of Europe.
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Black Aviators and Ethiopian Resistance
Taking inspiration from Ethiopia’s long history as an independent Black nation, two Black aviators-Hubert Julian and John C. Robinson-emerged as key figures. Hubert Fauntleroy Julian was born in Trinidad a year after the Ethiopian victory at Adwa. In 1921, Julian traveled to New York where he found many references to Ethiopia.
In April 1930, Tafari sent his cousin, studying at Howard University, a historically Black institution, to request that Julian perform at the Emperor’s coronation. After a trip to New York to drum up American support for Ethiopia with mixed results, Julian returned to Ethiopia for the coronation. During a dress rehearsal for the ceremony, Ethiopian-trained pilots successfully demonstrated their flying abilities in the Junkers planes. Then Julian took to the air in the Emperor’s off-limits prized Gypsy Moth. The crash destroyed not only the plane but Julian’s relationship with Ras Tafari.
In 1934, John C. Robinson was contemplating visiting his alma mater, the Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, for his 10th reunion and to propose an aviation school there for Black pilots. Italy made incursions into Ethiopia in late 1934, clearly announcing its intentions.
After Julian’s time in Africa, the Ethiopians were wary of another American-based pilot, but Robinson’s reputation won them over and he was asked to go to Ethiopia to serve in the Imperial Ethiopian Air Force. Robinson accepted, wanting to prove the mettle of Black pilots, both American and Ethiopian. In May 1935, Robinson was on his way to Ethiopia. In their first meeting, Haile Selassie offered the American the rank of Colonel in the Imperial Ethiopian Air Force. He was quickly dubbed “The Brown Condor of Ethiopia.”
Robinson was in the air on October 3, 1935 when the Italians crossed the Mareb River to begin their ground assault on Ethiopia. He was on the ground in Adwa when Italian Capronis bombed the town into rubble, returning to Addis Ababa to report.
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Emperor Haile Selassie fled Addis Ababa on May 2 via train. He asked John C. Robinson to join him in rebuilding the Ethiopian Air Force. In 1944, Robinson and five Black pilots and mechanics made their way across war-torn seas to Addis Ababa where they established an aviation training school. John C. Robinson died in 1954, when he crashed a Stinson L-5 outside of Addis Ababa.
Pan-Africanism and the Re-Africanization of Ethiopia
In 1935, African Americans of all classes, regions, genders, and beliefs expressed their opposition to and outrage over the Italian invasion of Ethiopia in various forms and various means. The invasion aroused African Americans - from intellectuals to common people in the street - more than any other Pan-African-oriented historical events or movements had.
The massive expression of support for the Ethiopian cause by African Americans has also contributed, in my opinion, to the re-Africanization of Ethiopia. It is fair to argue that the Italo-Ethiopian War in the 1930s was instrumental in the rebirth of the Pan-African movement. The African Diaspora was mobilized in support of the Ethiopian cause during both the war and the subsequent Italian occupation of Ethiopia.
The Italo-Ethiopian War brought about an extraordinary unification of African people’s political awareness and heightened level of political consciousness. Africans, African Americans, Afro-Caribbean’s, and other Diaspora and continental Africans from every social stratum were in union in their support of Ethiopia, bringing the establishment of “global Pan-Africanism.”
One of the most significant Pan-Africanist Conferences took place in 1945, immediately after the defeat of the Italians in Ethiopia and the end of World War II. This conference passed resolutions clearly demanding the end of colonization in Africa, and the question of self-determination emerged as the most important issue of the time.
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Key Figures in the Pan-African Movement
Another of the most remarkable outcomes of the reawakening of the African Diaspora was the emergence of so many outstanding leaders, among them the Ethiopian Melaku E. Bayen and the African American John Robinson. Other outstanding leaders were Willis N. Huggins, Arnold Josiah Ford, and Mignon Innis Ford, who were active against the war in both the United States and Ethiopia.
Melaku E. Bayen, an Ethiopian, significantly contributed to the re-Africanization of Ethiopia. His noble dedication to the Pan-African cause and his activities in the United States helped to dispel the notion of “racial fog” that surrounded the Ethiopians. Melaku founded and published the Voice of Ethiopia, the media organ of the Ethiopian World Federation and a pro-African newspaper that urged the “millions of the sons and daughters of Ethiopia, scattered throughout the world, to join hands with Ethiopians to save Ethiopia from the wolves of Europe.”
When the Italo-Ethiopian War erupted, John Robinson left his family and went to Ethiopia to fight alongside the Ethiopians. According to William R. Scott, Robinson was the founder of the Ethiopian Air Force. Through his activities, Robinson earned the trust and affection of both Ethiopians and African Americans. Like Melaku, he made concrete contributions to bring the two peoples together.
Slavery in Ethiopia
Slavery in Ethiopia existed for centuries, going as far back as 1495 BC and ending in 1942. There are also sources indicating the export of slaves from the Aksumite Empire (100-940 AD). The practice formed an integral part of Ethiopian society.
The abolition of slavery became a high priority for the Haile Selassie regime which began in 1930. International pressures forced action, and it was required for membership in the League of Nations. During Italian occupation, the temporary government issued two laws in October 1935 and in April 1936 which abolished slavery and freed 420,000 Ethiopian slaves.
The Ethiopian-Eritrean region, strategically located between two major trade routes, served as a significant center for the slave trade. According to a fifteenth-century soldier's song of Emperor Yeshaq I, the Shanqellas were forced to pay tribute to the Abyssinians. A code known as the Fetha Negest (The Law of the Kings), was translated into Ge'ez and had begun to serve as the traditional law for Ethiopian Orthodox Christians. Based on this law, freeborn Christians were of free status and off limits, while non-Christians captured in war could be enslaved.
During the reign of Sarsa Dengel, many pagan southern peoples had converted to Christianity to avoid further slave raids. Susenyos I would conduct six major slave raids against the Shanqellas on the western lowlands, which resulted in the capture of many slaves both female and male. His chronicler deprecatingly describes the color of the slaves as "black" and not "red like the normal people". James Bruce states every department was "full of them" and that boys and girls were taken in by the king and "instructed early in the Christian religion".
Before the imperial expansion to the south Asandabo, Saqa, Hermata and Bonga were the primary slave markets for the kingdom of Guduru, Limmu-Enaria, Jimma and Kaffa. The merchant villages adjacent to these major markets of southwestern Ethiopia were invariably full of slaves, which the upper classes exchanged for the imported goods they coveted. The slaves were walked to the large distribution markets like Basso in Gojjam, Aliyu Amba and Abdul Resul in Shewa.
The nineteenth century witnessed an unprecedented growth in slavery in the country, especially in southern Oromo towns, which expanded as the influx of slaves grew. Arabia, Persia, India and Egypt were full of slaves from Ethiopia, specifically from the southern non-Christian provinces who, upon converting to Islam, made "very good Moors and great warriors."
The conquests of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi resulted in even more considerable numbers of Ethiopian slaves being sold to the Middle East. According to Richard Pankhurst, almost all of the Ethiopians captured by Imam Ahmad were subsequently sold to foreign merchants in exchange for firearms and cannons.
Ethiopian slave trade routes
Rastafarianism and Ethiopia
The social, economic, and natural disasters that plagued Jamaica created a sense of hopelessness among its people. The Rastafarian faith emerged as a religion full of hope, dignity, redemption, and identity.
Marcus Garvey, a key figure in the movement, gave Black people a reason to feel dignified and proud. He urged them to embrace their heritage, take pride in it, and reclaim power of the world that was once theirs. Garvey provided something to believe in: themselves.
When Ras Tafari, who was later to become Emperor Haile Selassie, descendant of the biblical King Solomon, was crowned the Black King of Ethiopia, it drew the attention of the world upon ancient Ethiopia. Rastafarians believed that the man that Garvey had promised, a Black man, had become King. They considered Haile Selassie as the Light of this World, King of Zion, and Elect of God.
Ethiopia became the promised land of Ethiopia, a symbol of hope and identity. On April 21, 1966, His Imperial Majesty was invited to visit Jamaica. He was met at the airport by thousands of his Jamaican people. His visit reinforced the belief that they were not meant to live under the White man.
Ethiopia, as Zion, is the biblical history and reference that justify their claims. Ethiopia and its people are mentioned throughout the Bible more than forty times. Rastafarians view Ethiopians as holy and biblical people, as God’s children.
The Lion of Judah, a symbol prominent in the Rastafarian movement, used to represent Selassie. The message that Ethiopia (Zion) and his tribe (Ethiopians) will be strong and untouched is revered. Ethiopia as Zion is the third message the Bible presents to the Rastafarians. It is a place of utopia, the purest, holiest land.
Reggae music became a medium of social commentary and expression of discontent. The longing for Ethiopia is also a strong focus in reggae music, with artists like Bob Marley and Mutabaruka playing a significant role in spreading the message of Black pride and unity.
The Rastafarian faith emphasizes Black and African pride and the importance of understanding and honoring the past. Without knowledge of their history, there is no grounding, no foundation. Rastafarians believe that Black people belong in Africa and that without pride in their race or history, they are helping in their own oppression.
Ethiopia is more than just a place; it is hope, faith, and identity. It is home and destiny for Black people worldwide.
Haile Selassie: Controversial Ethiopian Emperor Turned Rastafarian Messiah
American Responses to the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict
The prospect of an Italo-Ethiopian conflict aroused Americans in the mid-1930s as few - if any - other African-related events ever had. The chief concern for the majority of Americans was that the United States in no way become involved. Although most Americans felt sympathy for Haile Selassie and his embattled African empire, they were reluctant to do much in the way of actual support.
The United States Department of State opposed all assistance to Ethiopia except medical relief. Yet even this limitation allowed much diversity in terms of the composition, motives, and objectives of relief-oriented groups.
| Group Type | Description |
|---|---|
| Information-Dispensing Bodies | Groups that provided information about Ethiopia and pressured the government. |
| Relief Groups | Organizations focused on providing medical and humanitarian aid to Ethiopia. |
| Volunteer Recruiters | Groups that sought to recruit volunteers for military service in Ethiopia. |
One of the earliest organised efforts was the Provisional Committee for the Defense of Ethiopia, set up in New York City in February 1935. Mass meetings were held during the spring and summer in a number of American cities, with greatest success in New York and Chicago. As early as December 1934 the Ethiopian Research Council, directed by Howard University anthropologist W. Leo Hansberry, had been set up " for the purpose of disseminating information on the history, civilisation, and diplomatic relations of Ethiopia in Ancient and Modern times."
As early as eight months before the October invasion some American black men had begun offering their services to the Ethiopian army. The State Department’s attitude, coupled with the negative position of the newly appointed Ethiopian Consul General, discouraged further organised efforts of this type. In point of fact only two black Americans, both aviators, did fight in the war: West Indian-born Hubert Julian, " the Black Eagle of Har- lem," and Chicagoan Col. John C. Shaw.
In July the State Department, fearing anti-Italian outbursts, sent an official to Harlem to investigate certain activities connected with the Italo- Ethiopian dispute. On August 4, 1935, the Committee for Ethiopia had begun a nation-wide fund-raising drive in order to buy gas masks, ambulance litters, medical supplies and hospital equipment to be sent to Ethiopia.
On October 3, 1935, Italian planes bombed the Ethiopian cities of Adowa and Adigiat. War had begun. The American Red Cross was now free to act. It cabled its International Committee in Geneva to find out the desires of the Italian and Ethiopian Red Cross societies. The Ethiopian Red Cross Society, which had been organised but a few months earlier, was genuinely in need of aid.
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