Adolescents and young women become increasingly aware of their bodies through images presented to them through social structures during their developmental stage. These images may drive them toward unhealthy behaviors including overeating, starving, and skin bleaching. Cultures all over the world put women and girls’ bodies at the center of intrigue based on connotations attached to beauty such as goodliness and sexuality. This paper is part of a study that examined the Older Adolescent Banyankole Girl’s Response to the socio-cultural constructions of body image in The Ankole Region, Uganda. It aimed to understand the self-perceptions of adolescent girls of their body image within Ankole society.
Several studies have found significant links between well-being and positive body image in adolescent girls and young women. From a very young age, they are told that how you look is important to them and others who look at them [1,2,3]. Studies have showed that young girls may obsess over their appearance making other aspects of development less important, such as education or independence [3]. With embedded norms with relevance to society of how one should look, overwhelming pressure is put on girls to conform, which in turn affects their self-esteem when they do or do not meet these norms [8]. Adolescent and young women (16-24) who are at the age of self-discovery have formed their perceptions of beauty images that are usually unattainable based on societal influences [9].
This study focused on the first objective of a PhD study on older adolescent Banyankole Girls’ Response to sociocultural construction of body image in The Ankole Region, Uganda. Its purpose was to explore perceptions of body image and how adolescent girls responded to these perceptions in Ankole. Research shows that there is an association between the social environment and the behaviors, feelings, and thoughts of individuals.
The study was guided by socio-cultural theory [11] supplemented by Foucault’s theory of the body [12,13] and Higgins’ self-discrepancy theory [14]. The socio-cultural theory elucidates the importance of societal norms and their influence on young people’s cognitive perceptions of the body. Adolescent girls and young women in the study are shown to react toward society’s view of appearance; for example, in the traditions put in place, we see the rural Ankole society encouraging female fattening. Furthermore, the media encourage women to adhere to expectations of beauty. Foucault’s theory of the body explains the ethos surrounding the female body image from the past notion of its sole biological purpose and sexuality, which has been used to oppress women [12,15]. Higgins self-discrepancy theory points out that young people’s self-perceptions are influenced by comparisons with others.
In societies across Africa, female beauty ideals have been used to explain perceptions of one’s fertility, gender role identity for women, and the distribution of economic and political power in society [16]. Perceptions regarding beauty and body types vary between cultures across the world and have changed significantly across history [6].
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Historical Context of Beauty Standards in Ankole
In pre-colonial times, Ankore was a part of the Chwezi empire the ruled the Great Lake’s region of East Africa, which is now in southwestern Uganda [17]. It was a traditional kingdom that was abolished in 1967 by President Milton Obote and has not been officially restored. While the kingdom was abolished, people continue to maintain this cultural identity [15,17]. This society has two groups subgroups within Ankole culture with a common ancestry: the Bairu and Bahima. Both ethnic groups’ standard of beauty is characterized by a slender nose, thin lips, finely-shaped heads, fat backsides, and fat legs [18].
According to [16,19], in Ankole culture, the beauty standard is fat. A fat body composition for the Ankole woman has been traditionally indicative of fertility, sexuality, and morality. Body image for Ankole women is also tied to moral norms [18]. Among the Bahima of Ankore, there is a beauty ritual of female fattening during adolescence to ensure that their women develop to be fat. Fattening among women engenders a great sense of respect within and outside of the family [16].
Ankole cows, central to the culture and wealth in the Ankole region.
Shifting Beauty Trends: The Influence of Western Ideals
While these traditional practices looked to fatness as a symbol of beauty in Ankole, the trend for young women has begun to shift in the contemporary world. Research and the press [4,20] have shown that over time, beauty trends in Uganda have changed due to Westernized views on what it means to be beautiful; therefore, this has encouraged many girls and young women to maintain an unhealthy body weight, as well as the practice of fattening. The young women have adopted the global standards that idealize being thin and curvy. Women and girls are starving themselves and bleaching their skin to match the Westernized images in the media [4].
Although young women of Uganda have more recently embraced the thin ideal of beauty from the West, tradition is still an important factor of growing up [4]. Some young women, especially those in the rural areas, still look to fatness as the beauty ideal. This has led to the failure of many rural girls to maintain a healthy body size, resulting in health risks such as obesity and cardiovascular disease [21]. Research suggests that girls who struggle with a negative self-esteem are more likely susceptible to harmful societal messages and struggle with body dissatisfaction [1].
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A negative body image is not only connected to low self-esteem and decreased well-being, but it is also related to serious long-term psychological consequences, such as depression, suicidal thoughts, eating disorders, and poor performance in school [4]. According to [4,5], girls may adopt unhealthy eating habits such as skipping meals at school and at home so as to strive for the Western standard of beauty that values slenderness.
In adolescent development, there are certain aspects in society that are fixed on how young people behave rather than simply the changes of a growing body or cognitive structures. Individualistic cultures in Europe and South Africa place more emphasis on self-esteem [6]. In contrast, in collectivist societies such as Uganda, self-perceptions of body image can be based on the societal norms. Studies show that social expectations have an influence on young peoples’ ideologies [7].
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Methodology: Capturing the Lived Experiences
A phenomenology research design was used, collecting and analyzing young women’s stories from their lived experiences [5,22]. By directly querying individuals about their lives, this research design allowed for the exploration of the range of subjective experiences young people have. The sample included 30 adolescent and young adult girls, both in school (high school and universities) and out of school in the age range of 16 to 24. In this study, 16-18-year-olds were considered to be in the developmental phase of late adolescence, while 19-24-year-olds were considered to be young or emerging adults. In Uganda, these ages include school-going people and those out of school and already married [23].
Young people both in and out of school were sampled, as it was assumed that those in school may be shown to be more influenced by peers and educators, while those with less or no form of formal education may be largely influenced by traditional norms and families [23]. Participants that identify as married are shown to be largely influenced by their spouse/significant other. This sample represented the nine districts of a southwestern region of Uganda.
Among the participants, 5 adolescents and 7 young women were from the urban regions of Mbarara and Kampala, while 2 adolescents and young women were selected from each of the 9 rural districts of Ankole, respectively. Purposive sampling was used to recruit participants from universities, workplaces, and communities, where a notice was posted to encourage research volunteers to take part in the study. Snowball sampling was based on referrals from participants [24]. Participants from high schools were recruited by the head teacher; then, the selected students would refer other students.
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While recruitment from the community was based on telephone and face-to-face recruitment, those selected would then refer other participants. Research assistants and the first author conducted semi-structured interviews in communities and workplaces of participants in the location they preferred. Interviews lasted between forty-five minutes and an hour and half. The interview questions were organized around the objectives of the study and included questions such as “How would you describe a beautiful woman in the Ankole culture?” “Considering your body and the way it looks, how do you fit within the Ankole culture beauty standards?” Saturation was reached when participants gave no new information and themes were exhausted.
Field notes were made on observations during the interview by research assistants and the first author, including the context where the interview took place and the nonverbal behavior of the participants in response to the questions. Observations were made on how participants approached the interview sessions and their reactions toward certain interview questions, especially those that triggered them. Observations were also made at the Ankole museum of Uganda, where different artifacts on traditional beauty in Ankole are displayed.
Thematic Analysis: Unveiling Key Perceptions
Transcripts and field notes were coded manually to formulate themes using the process of thematic analysis as described by [25]. The goal of thematic analysis was to derive themes that were able to explain and address the study aims [26]. By using the six phases of thematic analysis by Braun and Clarke (2012), interview transcripts were read multiple times to develop an understanding of the participants’ experiences, highlighting information that stood out and making notes against the data. Coding was done manually by the first author on a hard copy of the transcript.
A hybrid approach to analysis was used including inductive coding directly from the data and deductive coding from a priori concepts developed from the literature [1,2], including relationship influences and beauty comparisons. Similar codes were color coded, categorized, and eventually merged into themes. For example, beauty descriptions of the young women were clustered into the beauty expectations theme. In this way, patterns were identified using codes and categories, and more abstract themes were developed based on inductive codes, existing literature, and theoretical underpinnings [25]. Then, they were reviewed again to assure that they were relevant to the study aims, and where appropriate, some subthemes were merged into larger themes. Lastly, the themes were labeled in a concise, clear manner.
Beauty Expectations: A Central Theme
The most salient, central theme that emerged related to the perceptions of Ankole adolescents and young women on body image was beauty expectations. It was by far the most prominent theme in participant responses. Relevant subthemes were discreet, yet interrelated and organized around the central theme of beauty expectations, including internal and external comparisons, relationship influences, and dietary habits (see Figure 1). Relationship between beauty expectations and subthemes.
Perceptions of Beauty: Tradition vs. Modernity
Findings revealed that participants have preconceived perceptions of beauty, and these perceptions are shown to change over time because of the amount of exposure which is seen through societal influences that include media, peers, parents, and culture. Participants’ views and expectations are shown to change when they left rural areas for urban areas to work or study, while participants who remained in rural settings are shown to have been largely influenced by traditional Ankole culture.
Both Bairu and Bahima participants described a beautiful woman as fat with wide hips and big buttocks and decently dressed. All participants from rural Ankole described a beautiful woman from Ankole as fat with a small waist and big buttocks. In the past, girls used to cut off their hair and dress up with beads to bring the allure of beauty and pride. However, 10 of the participants identified that beauty and ethics coincide together; one cannot be beautiful and yet behave badly; morals play an important role in beauty expectations. Beauty is not only skin deep, but it is also aligned with proper manners and etiquette, big and beautiful women, take their time, are graceful in their walk and talk, and are not in a rush because they know what they are doing.
While the two subgroups in Ankole had similar beauty expectations of a young woman, there are different traits. Participants who identified as Bairu described a beautiful woman in Ankole as one who is energetic with tough features that indicated that she worked well as a farmer. Among the Bairu, a beautiful girl that you can see must be tall. Maybe she is black or she is brown. She is energetic.
Observations made at the Ankole museum in Mbarara supplemented participants’ perceptions of beauty expectations of a young woman in Ankole. These were shown in a historical portrait of a young woman in Ankole. These were physical traits derived from nature and the environment around. A beautiful woman in Ankole has eyes like stars, snow-white teeth, smooth and well-built arms, reed-like fingers, hair-like tree canopy, a neck of a water jar, breasts like a young fruit, a waistline of a wasp, hips of a churning gourd, legs like a banana stem and finally a baby’s foot.
When asked if they met these beauty expectations, participants who did not fit these expectations considered themselves as not beautiful. Results show that 20 out of the 30 participants reported a lack of confidence toward their bodies brought on by the beauty expectations.
The Rise of Padded Garments and Skin Lightening
Some women who are not naturally curvy are wearing padded undergarments that enhance their hips, breasts and bums. Most Ugandans consider plump women beautiful, says Dr. Some cultural practices show how much big-bodied women are valued in Uganda. In some communities, the mother of a baby girl will put a string of beads around the baby’s waist to monitor her weight gain, she says.
In recent years, skin lightening has become a significant beauty trend in many parts of Africa, particularly Uganda. While the demand for lighter skin remains strong, the risks associated with such treatments are becoming more apparent. Despite widespread awareness of these dangers, many women continue to undergo potentially harmful procedures, including intravenous (IV) treatments, to achieve their desired skin tone.
Skin bleaching products on sale in Kampala, Uganda.
The Root Causes and Consequences of Skin Lightening
Skin lightening is deeply rooted in societal norms, and in many African cultures, lighter skin is often associated with beauty, higher social status, and perceived economic success. This belief has been reinforced by colonial history, media portrayals, and the globalization of beauty standards, where lighter skin is often seen as more desirable or sophisticated. The desire for lighter skin is particularly prevalent among women, who are often under societal pressure to conform to these beauty standards. The beauty industry has capitalized on this demand, offering a variety of products ranging from creams to more invasive procedures like IV treatments.
One of the most concerning trends in Uganda is the rise of IV skin-lightening treatments, which have gained popularity in recent years. These treatments typically involve the intravenous infusion of substances like glutathione, a naturally occurring antioxidant that has skin-lightening properties. While some individuals may see immediate results, the long-term effects of IV treatments are troubling. Research has shown that glutathione infusion can lead to several adverse side effects, including liver damage, kidney failure, and neurological issues. In some cases, the excessive use of such treatments has been linked to the development of serious skin conditions such as ochronosis, a rare but irreversible skin disorder. Moreover, these treatments are typically administered in unregulated, informal settings, with little regard for medical standards or safety protocols.
Regulatory Failures and Cultural Challenges
Uganda’s failure to effectively regulate the use of harmful cosmetics and treatments is a significant issue. While the government has attempted to address the problem, the enforcement of laws surrounding skin-lightening products and procedures has been largely ineffective. One major issue is that many skin-lightening products and IV treatments are imported and sold informally in markets and beauty salons, often bypassing official regulatory channels.
Additionally, there is a cultural aspect to consider. In Uganda, as in many other countries, beauty standards are heavily influenced by local traditions, perceptions, and the desire for social acceptance. This makes it difficult to shift the narrative and encourage people to reject harmful beauty practices, even when they are aware of the risks.
A Multi-Faceted Approach to Change
To address the growing trend of skin-lightening treatments, Uganda must take a multi-faceted approach that includes stronger regulation, public awareness campaigns, and cultural change. The government needs to enforce stricter controls on the sale and use of harmful cosmetics and treatments, ensuring that any products or procedures being offered to consumers meet safety standards. Furthermore, public awareness campaigns are critical to educating people about the dangers of skin-lightening and the importance of embracing diverse beauty standards. These campaigns should focus on promoting self-love, body positivity, and the health risks associated with skin-lightening products.
Lastly, Uganda must work to eliminate the deep-rooted societal pressures that perpetuate the desire for lighter skin. Findings suggest that young women could benefit from social shifting of focus from physical appearance to other valuable developmental assets.
Table 1: Summary of Beauty Standards and Practices in Uganda
| Aspect | Traditional Ankole | Contemporary Uganda | Practices |
|---|---|---|---|
| Beauty Ideal | Fatness, wide hips, big buttocks | Thin and curvy (Westernized) | Fattening rituals, padded garments, skin lightening |
| Cultural Influence | Fertility, sexuality, morality | Media, globalization, social status | Social pressure, beauty industry trends |
| Health Implications | Obesity, cardiovascular disease | Eating disorders, liver damage, kidney failure | Unhealthy dieting, unregulated treatments |
| Societal Impact | Respect, community standing | Self-esteem, psychological well-being | Body dissatisfaction, mental health issues |
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