Egypt, with its rich history and strategic location, presents a unique security landscape. This article delves into the various facets of security services available in the country, including secure transportation, executive protection, and the roles of different security forces.
Sinai Peninsula
Secure Transportation and Executive Protection
ETS Risk Management delivers trusted, discreet, and professional secure transportation and executive protection services in Egypt, supporting a diverse portfolio of clients including multinational corporations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), VIPs, and government agencies. Our Egypt-based security personnel are carefully vetted, highly trained, and culturally attuned, ensuring that all movements and operations are executed with maximum safety, discretion, and efficiency.
Secure Airport Transfers
ETS Risk Management provides dependable and discreet secure airport transfers to and from all major airports in Egypt, including Cairo International Airport. Each transfer is supported by highly trained, English-speaking security personnel, who deliver a seamless meet-and-greet service in a low-profile yet highly secure manner.
Private security is often used by business travelers when traveling in Cairo, including airport transfers and daily movements. There is a risk of being targeted by low level criminals, as well as having travel disrupted due to demonstrations. Opportunistic criminals operate throughout the region especially in major cities including Cairo.
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Travel by road in Egypt is dangerous, those unfamiliar with the environment and driving standards are at high risk. Road traffic laws are not enforced. Most drivers lack discipline and awareness. In some areas the roads are inadequately marked and in poor condition. Drivers are known to travel unpredictably and are impatient with other road users and pedestrians.
Private security in Egypt will typical deployed with an armed executive protection officer and driver, accompanied by a softskin SUV. Armored vehicles are not generally used in Egypt as they are difficult to source and expensive. Private security can be armed in Egypt.
ETS Risk Management Services
The ETS team push simplification and customer relationship management at every juncture. ETS is focused on the simplification and standardization of global travel security and secure transportation services. ETS provides secure transportation and event transport solutions daily across the globe. ETS focuses on security commensurate with risk alongside the strategic deployment of assets.
The ETS team often embeds subject matter experts for shortterm projects or attaches a team to clients to support and enable their operations. Our specialists bring decades of corporate and government real-world expertise with unique insights and training approaches customized to business needs. The ETS Risk Management team consults and advises organizations on-site security surveys, workplace violence, insider threat, travel risk management, and executive protection.
The Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) and Dark-Web monitoring and report service is a 24/7 constant monitoring of open-source intelligence avenues and the deep/dark web. This service helps clients monitor, detect and neutralize the threat before it becomes an issue. ETS analysts ensure clients do not receive a technical data dump with reams of irrelevant information requiring internal triage and analysis. Clients can monitor brand, data, and reputation by ensuring that they know any exploitation occurring on the dark web.
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Special Events Security
The ETS Special events team works closely aligned with clients to meet the delicate balance between effective security that is mindful of optics and low profile where able. The team prides itself on attention to detail, finding solutions, clear communication, and efficient coordination of assets. Experience has developed from being involved in threat-to-life crisis issues, civil disturbance, and serious incidents through to assisting attendees with directions, traffic flow, and first-aid issues.
ETS has worked extensively to coordinate security with large numbers of VIPs and protected persons and their associated support teams, including Heads of State, Celebrities, Elected Officials, and Fortune 10 CEOs. We have extensive past performance of close cooperation with law enforcement, government agencies, and security organizations.
Multinational Force and Observers (MFO)
Members of the Alabama National Guard’s 1st Battalion, 173rd Infantry Regiment, are gearing up for a deployment to the Middle East, with around 200 soldiers set to head out in support of an international peacekeeping effort. Specifically, the Alabama soldiers will integrate into Task Force Sinai, where their primary role involves monitoring compliance with the security arrangements outlined in the agreement, helping to preserve stability in the Sinai Peninsula.
This mobilisation forms part of the United States’ ongoing commitment to the Multinational Force and Observers, an independent international body tasked with overseeing the terms of the 1979 peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. The MFO, established in 1981 after efforts to involve the United Nations fell through, operates outside the UN framework but draws contributions from multiple nations to enforce limitations on military presence in designated zones across the region.
These zones-A, B, and C in Egyptian Sinai, and D along the Israeli border-restrict troop numbers and equipment to prevent escalations, a setup rooted in the Camp David Accords brokered by the United States under President Jimmy Carter. The organisation maintains bases in the Sinai, with its headquarters in Rome, and relies on rotational deployments from partner countries including Australia, Canada, Colombia, the Czech Republic, Fiji, France, Italy, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, the United Kingdom, Uruguay, and the United States to carry out patrols, observations, and verification activities.
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For the Alabama National Guard, this mission represents a shift from domestic duties to an overseas operation focused on diplomacy through presence, where the emphasis lies on deterrence and reporting rather than direct combat. The soldiers will conduct routine patrols, man observation posts, and assist in verifying that both Egypt and Israel adhere to the treaty’s stipulations, all while operating in a harsh desert environment that demands vigilance against potential threats like smuggling or insurgent activities.
The peace treaty itself, signed in 1979, ended decades of hostility between Egypt and Israel, paving the way for normalised relations and cooperation on shared concerns. Over the years, the two nations have worked together on security matters in the Sinai, including joint operations to combat terrorism and curb arms smuggling that could destabilise the area. This collaboration has proven vital in addressing threats from groups affiliated with ISIS or Hamas, which have at times sought to exploit the peninsula’s vast, rugged terrain for illicit activities. The MFO’s presence acts as a neutral buffer, facilitating communication and confidence-building measures that keep the treaty intact amid broader regional volatility.
Yet, the current state of Egypt-Israel relations reveals a more nuanced picture, blending necessary partnership with persistent strains. Often characterised as a “cold” peace, the ties rest on pragmatic security needs rather than deep trust, with underlying suspicions occasionally surfacing.
Recent developments, particularly the ongoing conflict in Gaza, have intensified these challenges. Israel’s military operations and stated intentions to exert greater control over Gaza City have raised alarms in Cairo, which fears a humanitarian catastrophe that could spill over into Egyptian territory. Egyptian leaders, including President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, have repeatedly described potential mass displacements of Palestinians towards the Sinai as a non-negotiable boundary, warning that such scenarios could jeopardise national security and even the peace treaty itself.
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These concerns extend to the border area known as the Philadelphia Corridor, where Israeli forces have maintained a presence, prompting debates over whether this violates the spirit of the 1979 accords. Egypt views any unilateral moves that might facilitate refugee flows or alter the status quo as direct threats, potentially forcing a reevaluation of its commitments.
The Gaza war, which by early 2025 had led to mediated cease-fires but left deep scars, has also complicated Egypt’s position as a mediator, straining its ability to balance domestic pressures with international obligations. Public sentiment in Egypt, fuelled by images of suffering in Gaza, adds another layer, pushing the government to adopt a firmer stance against perceived Israeli overreach while still engaging in behind-the-scenes coordination to contain threats like Hamas tunnels or weapon transfers.
This dynamic has ripple effects on Egypt’s relationship with the United States, a mutual ally to both Cairo and Jerusalem. Washington’s substantial military aid to Egypt-amounting to billions annually-comes with expectations of continued cooperation in regional security, including the MFO mission.
Despite these frictions, practical necessities prevail; Egypt and Israel persist in joint counterterrorism efforts in the peninsula, sharing intelligence and coordinating to neutralise militant groups that pose risks to both sides. This enduring, if uneasy, alliance highlights the treaty’s resilience, even as external pressures test its limits.
For the deploying Alabama soldiers, these geopolitical undercurrents provide the backdrop to their daily tasks. They will operate in an environment where peacekeeping requires not just military discipline but also an awareness of the delicate balance between enforcement and diplomacy. As they settle into their roles, the unit’s contribution will help sustain a framework that has prevented major conflicts between Egypt and Israel for over four decades, offering a reminder of how localised deployments can support wider peace efforts.
General Security and Central Security Forces (CSF)
The General Security and Central Security Forces (Arabic: قوات الأمن العام و الأمن المركزي, romanized: Quwwāt al-Amn al- Amm wa Quwwāt al-Amn al-Markazī, often shortened to Arabic: الأمن المركزي, romanized: Al-Amn al-Markazī) is an Egyptian paramilitary force which is responsible for assisting the Egyptian National Police (ENP) for the security of governmental fixed sites, foreign embassies & missions, riots and crowd control, publicly crowded events, high risk arrests, disaster response and SWAT operations.
In 1969, a decision was made to create the Central Security Forces from well trained and equipped police forces on large scale covering the whole country under the command of the Ministry of Interior (Egypt) to conduct special police operations in response to operational needs. The creation of those forces followed the military model, and became close - in formation, training, equipment and operating procedures - to the Italian Carabinieri, Indian CRPF and the Russian OMON. The initial batch of recruits were drawn from the Police and had to undergo military training under the Army. Later on, in 1970, a separate training institute was set up for the CSF and the force started conscripting its recruits, just like regular Army conscripts.
Formed in 1977 to obviate the need to call upon the armed forces to deal with domestic disturbances, the CSF grew rapidly to 100,000 members when Mubarak took office. The CSF was set up to deal with the growing unrest and public disorder following the Egyptian defeat in the Six day war.
The CSF was deployed by the Sadat government to tackle large protests by Leftist and hardline Nasserist groups in January 1972 in Cairo, the protests were called to protest against Sadat's anti-Soviet and anti-Palestinian foreign policy, lack of action against Israel and right-wing economic measures such as cutting some subsidies and increasing some prices of welfare services like public transport.
Following the 1973 Arab Israeli War between Egypt and Israel - then settling the 1973 & 1974 Ceasefire agreements; the 1979 Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty was signed and the subsequent Israeli withdrawal from the rest of Sinai Peninsula occurred. The Treaty stipulated the Egyptian government refrain from deploying regular Egyptian Armed Forces units in the eastern part of Sinai that directly border Israel (Zone "C"). The Egyptian government then tasked the Central Security Forces to take up the task.
In 1986, hundreds of third category, low ranking, CSF personnel (soldiers) staged a four-day mutiny, in the Egyptian Conscription Riot. The riot was a reaction to the spread of false rumours among its conscripts that their (three-year) conscription time will be extended by a year. The insurrection was suppressed by the Egyptian Army. They rampaged through the suburb of Giza burning some hotels and shops in tourist areas. They also burned dozens of cars and buses.
Over 20,000 conscripts were dismissed from service with no benefits, and the agitators received correctional punishment after being tried before State Security Court for arson, violent riots, and insubordination according to penal code. Some reports related that mutiny to a conspiracy against the Minister of Interior in charge by then (Gen. Ahmed Roshdy) due to his policies.
The Egyptian government subsequently came to rely on the CSF to quell any source of instability within the country and to uphold the emergency laws imposed on Egypt since the 1981 assassination of the President of Egypt, Anwar Sadat. The CSF was especially deployed to tackle armed Islamist insurgents.
From the 1990s onwards, CSF has become operationally coordinated with the State Security, meaning CSF units can be ordered to deploy by State Security officers, and has been called the "battering ram of State Security". Similar to other central SWAT organizations in other countries, CSF deployment is divided into three parts - Baton, Gas, and Armed.
The basic unit formation of the CSF is a company which is commanded by a Police Captain (naqib) or in some cases a Major who is a commissioned officer and a graduate of the Police College. A CSF company consists of approximately 150 personnel and is composed of two Baton platoons, a Gas platoon, and an Armed platoon. The Baton platoons are equipped with batons and shields, the gas platoon is responsible for the deployment of Teargas, and the armed platoon usually carries Assault Rifles - usually the AK 47 variants, and is organized like a Light Infantry Rifles platoon.
CSF Personnel Includes:
- Commissioned Officers (graduated from the Police College of 4 Academic years), who enter the service with the rank of Lieutenant.
- Conscripts (of 6 months training) recruited entirely from the low educated recruits, as the more educated and college graduates usually end up in the different branches of the regular military service.
Conscripts can later be promoted to the ranks of sub-officers if they continue in the service beyond their compulsory terms and if they get a higher education and sit for the mandatory exams for entering sub-officer ranks. There is high competition among conscripts to extend their service and to become regularized troops, this is because of the high rate of unemployment in Egypt. A conscript enters the force as a "Private Recruit" and is promoted to "Private First Class" after 2 years of service.
At the time of demobilization/release from compulsory 3 years' service, many who have passed their 10th grade in school, are at the rank of Areef or Corporal and can command a section of 10-12 conscripts and 1 riot vehicle. Less educated or illiterate conscripts, however, have to retire at the rank of Private First Class. Those among the Corporals who wish can sit for exams to extend their service and receive the rank of Deputy Sergeant or Junior Sergeant. Most of the conscripts/NCOs are forced to retire at 52 years of age with the rank of Sergeant with no chance of advancement if they do not have a college degree.
AK-47 Variant
Unit 777
Unit 777 (Arabic: الوحدة 777 قتال), also known as Task Force 777, is a special forces unit in the Egyptian Army, falling under the El-Sa'ka Force. They specialize in black operations, commando style raids, counterterrorism, executive protection, hostage rescue, irregular warfare, manhunting, and special operations in behind enemy lines.
In 1978, Egyptian Army Special Forces were dispatched to Larnaca International Airport, Larnaca, Cyprus in response to the hijacking of a Cyprus Air passenger aircraft by operatives of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). Cairo merely informed Cypriot president Kyprianou that "people are on the way to help rescue the hostages" and did not reveal who was on board nor what their intentions were. Upon landing in Cyprus, the Egyptian force immediately launched an all-out assault, dispatching a single Jeep all-terrain vehicle with three men to race ahead of an estimated 58 troops (another report has this figure at 74) moving towards the hijacked aircraft on foot.
As the Egyptian troops advanced quickly towards the hijacked DC-8 aircraft and the Cypriot special forces who surrounded it, the Cypriot special forces reportedly issued a single verbal warning to halt and submit, though in other reports, the Cypriots issued two verbal warnings, the second demand for the Egyptians to return to their aircraft. As this occurred, the occupants of the Jeep and the Cypriot operators exchanged gunfire, and the Egyptian Jeep was struck by a rocket propelled grenade (RPG), as well as gunfire, killing all three occupants.
As the vehicle came to a halt, the Cypriots and the main Egyptian force confronted each other at a range of less than 300 metres (330 yd), and it is variously reported that the Egyptians, who lacked any form of cover, dropped down onto the tarmac in prone firing positions. With their aircraft destroyed, the Egyptian force and the Cypriot special forces exchanged heavy gunfire for nearly an hour in sporadic fighting on the open tarmac.
Kyprianou, who was watching the events unfolding from the airport control tower, was forced to withdraw from the windows and take cover as Egyptian commandos shot at the tower with automatic gunfire. Of the Egyptian commando force, 15 men were killed, in addition to three crew of the C-130H Hercules transport aircraft who were killed when it was struck by a missile. An estimated 15 more Egyptian commandos were reported to have been taken injured to Larnaca General Hospital with gunshot wounds. No fatalities of Cypriot commandos were recorded.
On August 23, 1976, three armed terrorists claiming to be from the Abd Al-Nasir Movement hijacked the EgyptAir Flight 321, a Cairo-Luxor flight, and asked the pilot to land in Tripoli. One of the three hijackers was a 21-year-old Palestinian, Mohammed Naguid, who was working in Kuwait. They demanded the release of five Libyans imprisoned in Cairo in connection with two assassination attempts.
The context was the deterioration of relations between Egypt and Libya after the Yom Kippur War due to Libyan opposition to Sadat's peace policy. There had been a breakdown in unification talks between the two governments, which subsequently led to the Libyan-Egyptian War. President Sadat ordered the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense to make the necessary decisions to protect the passengers and arrest the terrorists.
The Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense quickly flew to Luxor International Airport where they started a secret meeting in the airport's tower, while Major General Abdul Hafiz Al-Bagori, Governor of Qena started negotiations with the three terrorists in order to gain time. During a call between the cockpit and the airport, the pilot complained about a problem in the aircraft - that it had not shown that the aircraft needing refuelling - and that the aircraft needed maintenance. The terrorists were persuaded to allow the aircraft to land in Luxor for refuelling. The engineers were two disguised Sa'ka officers, who went inside and outside the aircraft several times in order to appear to be maintenance workers.
In 1985, Unit 777 was dispatched again to deal with a hijacking, this time to Malta. An Egypt Air Boeing 737 (EgyptAir Flight 648) had landed in Luqa Airport under the control of Abu Nidal faction terrorists, purportedly as retaliation for Egypt's failure to protect the terrorists that had hijacked the MS Achille Lauro earlier that year. Although the operation was planned more carefully this time, the TF 777 operators committed several mistakes that would eventually prove fatal to many of the hostages.
As explosives were detonated to attempt to blow a hole on the top of the airframe, the explosion ripped through the cabin area, immediately killing 20 passengers. Using the same hole, the operators gained entry to the plane but in the confusion opened fire indiscriminately and killed and injured more passengers. In the ensuing chaos, passengers that managed to flee the plane were then gunned down by snipers in positions around the airport who mistook them for terrorists attempting to escape.
On June 3, 1998, in response to the departure of the ship Global Sky from Suez without paying port fees it owed, the Suez Canal Authority asked the Egyptian Armed Forces to intervene. The Egyptian Armed Forces decided to send Unit 777 along with naval forces to deal with the ship in international waters.
After the outcomes of their first two major operations, Unit 777 was temporarily disbanded, and formed again later to deal with internal threats. The unit is currently located in southern Cairo and is equipped with Mi-8 helicopters.
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