Prince Moulay Abdallah of Morocco was a significant figure in the Moroccan royal family. Born on May 30, 1935, in the royal palace in Rabat, he was the second son of Mohammed V, the first king of Morocco after its independence from France. Moulay Abdallah passed away on December 20, 1983, at the age of 48, in Rabat due to cancer.
Mohammed V with his sons Moulay Hassan and Moulay Abdallah
Early Life and Education
Like his brother, the future King Hassan II, Moulay Abdallah received his early education at the Royal College in Rabat. This school was specifically created for them in 1942 by their father.
Exile and Further Education
In 1953, the French colonial authorities forced Hassan’s father, Sultan Mohammed V, into exile in Corsica, France along with his family. The exile of his family in 1953, first to Corsica and then to Madagascar, caused a change in schools. While his family lived in Antsirabe, Moulay Abdallah attended Les pères jésuites de Saint-Michel, a religious college, as an intern. However, he did not remain at the boarding school for long, similar to his sister Lalla Malika, who was interned in another establishment, and soon left to take private lessons.
Return from Exile and Independence of Morocco
After his family returned from exile in Morocco on November 16, 1955, he resumed his former life. Morocco gained its independence on March 2, 1956.
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Role as Personal Representative
Abdallah served as a personal representative of his brother, King Hassan II, starting in 1972. This role highlighted his importance within the royal family and his contribution to the monarchy.
Family
Prince Moulay Abdallah was the father of Prince Moulay Hicham Ben Abdallah.
Moulay Abdallah Alaoui (Arabic: مولاي عبد الله العلوي; born c. Sharif Moulay Abdallah Alaoui is the son of Prince Moulay Ali (the son of Prince Moulay Idriss and the grandson of Sultan Moulay Youssef) and his wife Princess Lalla Fatima Zohra, the eldest daughter of Mohammed V and older sister of Hassan II.
Death and Burial
He died of cancer on 20 December 1983, aged 48, in Rabat. He was buried alongside his father, King Mohammed V, in the Mausoleum of Mohammed V in Rabat.
Prince Moulay Abdallah and King Hassan II Wedding
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Prince Moulay Hicham Ben Abdallah: A Royal Perspective on the Arab World
Prince Moulay Hicham Ben Abdallah was interviewed in the September/October issue of the French journal Le Débat, providing his unique insight on the Arab Spring events as a member of the Moroccan royal family and scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law. There is no one better able to provide a more informed perspective on the upheavals in the Arab world than Prince Moulay Hicham ben Abdallah El Alaoui.
The first cousin of the King of Morocco, Mohammed VI, and heir to a long Pan-Arab line through his Lebanese mother, he is also a research fellow at Stanford University's Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law in California. In 1994, he established the Institute for the Transregional Study of the Contemporary Middle East, North Africa and Central Asia at Princeton University, where he went to college. He also directs the Foundation for Social Science Research on North Africa and the Middle East which bears his name.
Moulay Hicham grew up in the palace alongside his cousin, who became King Mohammed VI. After his uncle died, he continued to maintain publicly that the Makhzen -- that is, the patronage network that effectively runs Morocco -- needed to perish for the monarchy to thrive and serve Moroccans. He also came out against the caliphate, that is, against a monarchy under the "Commander of the Faithful," which mixed political and religious prerogatives.
According to Moulay Hicham, an oppressed Arab is first and foremost someone who, like any other oppressed person, seeks to become emancipated. If a tidal wave of democratization is breaking across the Arab world, we have to explain its relevance within the context. He believes it's a cluster of factors, including a particular kind of political archaism/throwback arising, first, from colonization, followed by a decolonization defined by the "catastrophe" - the nakba - that was the establishment of Israel in Palestine; there is also an economy based on oil rents, which sharpen geopolitical rivalries and foster the betrayal of the elites.
He sees the Arab street - al shariai al arabi - as the opposite extreme from the Rais, king, or omnipotent "sultan." The street now needs to turn into public forum -- that is, a public opinion that doesn't sweep away everything in its path, but rather expresses itself in a steady, organized fashion, because, henceforth, governments will have to take into account the will of the governed.
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Dignity - karama - has become the new value to which we refer. Of course you are right to say that taking to the streets over and over again is useless if these marches do not lead to the halls of power in the end. Finally, Libya is a case apart and, I fear, will remain so, due in part to outside intervention.
While 40% of Moroccans and a third of Tunisians have access to the Internet, only 21% do in Syria, with 10% in Yemen. The authors, in their conclusions, warn against the illusion of a "techno-democracy." For technology changes the rules of the game, but does not predetermine its winner.
A country's demographic profile is significant but, once again, things are not so simple. Contrary to what is being said and written pretty much everywhere, the Arab world's population - except for the Gaza Strip and Yemen - is not exceptionally young, at least not relative to populations south of the Sahara. In fact, studies show pretty much the opposite: you need a certain demographic maturity for democracy not just to take hold, but to last over the long term.
He mentioned sub-Saharan Africa and the importance of petroleum? The shadow cast by the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? Whatever the reason, we have a lot to learn from democratization south of the Sahara.
The Palestinian issue will come galloping back and take center stage again, but not as the political toy, not to say diversion, it once was. People are demonstrating everywhere under their national colors. They are “making” community, but not a Pan-Arab or a religion-based, borderless community, and even less so an international jihadist one.
Pan-Arabism is not dead. To wit: we are presently experiencing a democratic Pan-Arabism, both joyfully and painfully. As for Ossama bin Laden’s jihad, would it hav...
ROYAL WEDDING Morocco: Prince Moulay Abdallah & Lamia Solh of Lebanon - 1961 | Rare Footage
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