This article delves into the life and career of Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi, an Ethiopian leader with significant contributions to education, research, and national development.
Addis Ababa University, where Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi earned his Ph.D.
Academic Background
Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi has a strong academic background, with a focus on educational leadership and management.
- He earned his Ph.D. in Educational Leadership and Policy Studies from Addis Ababa University in August 2018.
- Prior to that, he completed his Master’s degree in Human Resource Management and Organizational Development from Addis Ababa University in 2009.
- Dr. Mebratu also holds a Bachelor’s degree in Educational Planning and Management from the same institution, which he completed in 2007.
His academic journey began with a Diploma in Educational Administration, awarded by Addis Ababa University in 2000, followed by a Certificate from the Teachers Training Institute in Adama in 1995.
Professional Experience
Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi has extensive professional experience in the field of education.
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- He has been a lecturer at Jimma University since 2009, where he also served as the Head of the Department of Educational Planning and Management from 2017 to 2023.
- Currently, he coordinates the Educational Quality Enhancement Assessment and Examination Office at the College of Education and Behavioral Sciences, a role he has held since March 2023.
Dr. Mebratu has contributed to national educational leadership development through his work as a coach for the National School Leadership Training (NSLT) program, from 2021 to 2023. His leadership capabilities were further demonstrated when he served as the Higher Diploma Program (HDP) Leader at Jimma University in 2022.
Jimma University, where Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi has been a lecturer since 2009.
Research Interests
Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi’s research interests are centered around educational leadership, institutional performance, and organizational learning.
- He focuses on examining the ethical behaviors of educational leaders, particularly in Ethiopian public universities, and the impact of strategic leadership practices on institutional development.
- His work explores the role of leadership in fostering organizational learning within educational institutions, with a particular emphasis on the performance of public higher education in Ethiopia.
Additionally, Dr. Mebratu’s research delves into the institutional responses to challenges such as the COVID-19 pandemic, investigating how educational institutions adapt and innovate during crises. He has contributed to studies on the ethical leadership perceptions of instructors and academic leaders, as well as the effectiveness of national school leadership training programs.
Accolades and Honors
Dr. Mebratu Tafesse Teferi has earned several accolades and honors throughout his academic and professional career. His contributions to educational leadership and policy studies have been recognized both locally and nationally. Notably, Dr. Mebratu was honored for his leadership in the Higher Diploma Program (HDP) at Jimma University in 2022, where he played a pivotal role in the development of future educational leaders.
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His research, particularly in the areas of ethical leadership and organizational learning, has earned him recognition within the Ethiopian academic community. Additionally, Dr. Mebratu has been acknowledged for his active participation in national educational reforms, such as his role as a coach for the National School Leadership Training (NSLT) program, which aimed to strengthen school leadership across Ethiopia.
Potential for the Best Researcher Award
Mebratu Tafesse Teferi demonstrates strong potential for the Best Researcher Award. His substantial academic qualifications, leadership experience, and dedication to educational research are commendable. His publications reflect significant contributions to Ethiopian education and leadership studies, making him a valuable candidate for the award.
The 1960 Ethiopian Coup Attempt
The 1960 Ethiopian Coup Attempt part 1
The coup was put down following a violent confrontation with the imperial army and air force. After its initial success, the majority of the military and populace quickly aligned against the coup, and by 17 December loyalists had regained control of Addis Ababa.
Emperor Haile Selassie I, against whom the 1960 coup attempt was launched.
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Background of the Coup
In the 1950s, discontent grew within Ethiopia toward Emperor Haile Selassie’s imperial regime. Many members of the aristocracy became frustrated with the empire's stagnation and limitations. The government's repression and prohibition of autonomous organizations stifled any reformist movements within the ruling class. Although many elites recognized the need for serious reform, Emperor Selassie refused to tolerate any form of protest, especially organized efforts.
Key Figures and Planning
Germame Neway, widely seen as the motivator of the coup, was a high-ranking civil servant who was serving as a district governor in Ethiopia's provinces. Germame was a progressive and activist governor who was frustrated in his attempts to improve the standard of living of the subjects in the districts he was assigned to govern, and grew to resent the absolutist and feudal central government under Emperor Haile Selassie. When Germame had attempted to encourage the Oromo inhabitants of Wellamu to build roads, bridges, and schools, he was opposed by the local landlords who agitated for his replacement.
Germame then managed to persuade his brother, Brigadier-General Mengistu Neway, that a successful military coup against the current government was feasible. Mengistu was vital to the success of Germame's plan because he commanded the Kebur Zabangna, the Emperor's imperial guard whose members were expected to follow orders without question, and had connections throughout the Ethiopian armed forces. Two more important members, Colonel Warqenah Gabayahu, imperial chief of security, and Brigadier-General Tsege Dibu, the commissioner of the police force, were recruited to form a clandestine "Council of the Revolution", and the group began planning their move.
According to Paul Henze, fearing that their plans had already leaked out, the conspirators rushed into action when the Emperor departed on a state visit to Brazil without sufficient planning.
Events of the Coup
According to the memoirs of John H. Spencer, a year before the coup, Colonel Warqenah sought out one of the many Israeli military advisors working with the Ethiopian army. Warqenah revealed that the Emperor feared a potential military uprising that could lead to a march on Addis Ababa. He requested the advisor to identify weak points on a map of the capital and suggest defensive strategies for the imperial guard.
On the evening of Tuesday, 13 December 1960, the group duped several Ministers of the Imperial Crown and other important political personages into coming to Guenete Leul Palace in the capital, Addis Ababa, for an emergency meeting. They then were taken hostage, including Prime Minister Ras Abebe Aregai. At the same time, followers of Colonel Warqenah occupied the central bank, the radio station, and the Ministry of Finance. The Kebur Zabagna surrounded the other army bases in and around the capital.
Before dawn, telephone exchanges were seized and Addis Ababa airport was under control of the bodyguards, who banned all flights. An Israeli radio operator aboard the aircraft transporting Haile Selassie during his trip to Brazil relayed news of the coup. Tel Aviv advised the Emperor to land in Liberia, where Mossad chief Isser Harel hurried to meet him. The Israelis also advised Ethiopian paratroop commanders, who had been trained in Israel, to secure the Addis Ababa airport in preparation for Selassie's return.
Proclamation of the New Government
The next morning, after the members of the coup had secured control of most of Addis Ababa, Crown Prince Asfaw Wossen, read a proclamation on national radio. It is disputed whether Asfaw's reading was sincere or coerced. The broadcast was the first time an Ethiopian leader had ever publicly decried the nations chronic social and economic problems. The crown prince declared that life for the average Ethiopian had not changed in three millennia and announced the masses were losing their patience. He proceeded to compare Ethiopia's lack of progress with some of the newly independent African states, stating the Ethiopia was being left behind. The proclamation also announced the formation of a new government under the Crown Prince, and promised the start of a new era.
The leaders of the coup obviously expected this demonstration would convince the other branches of the military to join them. An uneasy 24 hours followed while the conspirators awaited developments. During this period Mengestu and his colleagues issued an 11-point programme of proposed reforms, and appointed as Prime Minister Ras Imru Haile Selassie and Major General Mulugeta Bulli, who was popular in the army, as Chief of Staff.
Suppression of the Coup
Meanwhile, the loyalists within the military were able to come to a consensus on how to respond to this threat. (Clapham shows that the civilian leaders, who in previous coups that created new rulers of Ethiopia, had been effectively isolated from the military. Makonnen Habte-Wold, whose own intelligence network had uncovered this plot, was unable to do more than send frantic telegrams to his Emperor "until the coup took place and he was captured and shot.")
Dejazmach Asrate Medhin Kassa, Major General Mared Mangesha, and the other loyalists spent their time more usefully; they secured the support of the tank squadron and the Imperial Ethiopian Air Force, both stationed within reach of the capital, and made up their initial shortage of troops by airlifting about 1,000 loyal soldiers in from outlying provinces; they also issued leaflets signed by Abuna Basilios, head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, which condemned the rebels as anti-religious traitors and called for loyalty to Haile Selassie.
Fighting broke out in the afternoon of the next day. Heavily outnumbered, the rebels were slowly driven back. Many ordinary soldiers of the Kebur Zabagna, once they learned they were fighting against the Emperor, lost heart as they had been given to understand that they were fighting for him. Once the fighting started, the inhabitants of the capital gave their support to the loyalists. Before abandoning the capital, Germame and the others turned their machine-guns on their hostages in Genetta Leul palace, killing fifteen of them.
The use of force saved Selassie's regime, but in effect turned the Imperial Army into a major pillar of the regime. General Tsege was killed in the fighting; Colonel Warqenah committed suicide. Mengistu and Germame evaded capture until 24 December 1960 when they were surrounded by the army near Mojo. Rather than face capture, Germame committed suicide; Mengistu surrendered. He was publicly hanged in a church square a few months later.
Aftermath and Impact
By elevating the political importance of the military during the coup attempt, the emperor became exclusively dependent on their loyalty for survival going forward. This made the stability of the imperial regime precarious, as any sign of discontent within the armed forces could threaten Selassie's survival. The emperor attempted to placate the military over the following decade, with the effect of enhancing the militaries awareness of their growing power and political importance.
The threat to imperial government rule caused a change in the emperor's behaviour: after reorganising his government and appointing the Tsehafi Taezaz ('Minister of the Pen'), Aklilu Habte-Wold, as Prime Minister, Haile Selassie "gave less attention to domestic affairs and devoted more time to foreign affairs, making a place for himself in the Pan-African movement and championing decolonization.
The loyalty of Ethiopian paratrooper forces, trained in Israel, played a critical role in the swift suppression of the insurrection, with Israeli advisors providing guidance on how to respond during the crisis. Despite their role in helping loyalist forces assert control, the Israelis were deeply embarrassed by the revelation that the main coup plotters had maintained regular contact with their military advisors in the period leading up to the coup. While some within the Emperor’s inner circle harbored suspicions about Israel’s involvement, Haile Selassie himself believed that Israel was in favor of stability rather than revolution in Ethiopia and had moved in support of him.
Ethiopian historian Bahru Zewde finds a very clear chain of connection between the 1960 coup attempt and the Ethiopian Revolution of 1974 . The torch of change that the rebels had kindled was not extinguished with their physical elimination. On the contrary, it sparked a more outspoken and radical opposition to the regime. This can be seen in some of the underground leaflets that began to circulate soon after the end of the coup. They had such uncompromising motifs as "Better be a lion for a day and die than live the life of a lamb for a thousand days", "There is no solution without blood", and "What is sinful is to be ruled by despots, not to rise against them." Above all, the students became the true heirs of the rebels. They had come out on the streets in support of the rebels in 1960. Thereafter, they gave breadth and coherence to the opposition that the rebels had conceived and executed in such a confused manner.
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