The relationship between France and Nigeria is multifaceted, encompassing historical, political, and cultural dimensions. This article delves into the key aspects of this relationship, from the colonial era to modern-day football rivalries.
The Nigerian Civil War (1967-1970)
The Nigerian Civil War (6 July 1967 - 15 January 1970), also known as the Biafran War, was an armed conflict fought between Nigeria and the Republic of Biafra, a secessionist state which had declared its independence from Nigeria in 1967. During the war years, General Yakubu Gowon served as the head of state of Nigeria, while Biafra was led by Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka "Emeka" Odumegwu Ojukwu.
The conflict emerged from political, ethnic, cultural, and religious tensions that preceded the United Kingdom's formal decolonisation of Nigeria from 1960 to 1963. This civil war can be connected to the colonial amalgamation in 1914 of the British Northern Protectorate, Lagos Colony, and Southern Nigeria Protectorate, which was intended for better administration due to the proximity of these protectorates. However, the change did not take into consideration the differences in the culture and religions of the people in each area.
Nigeria gained independence from the United Kingdom on 1 October 1960, with a population of 45.2 million made up of more than 300 diverse ethnic and cultural groups. When the colony of Nigeria was created, its three largest ethnic groups were the Igbo, who formed about 60-70% of the population in the southeast; the Hausa-Fulani of the Sokoto Caliphate, who formed about 67% of the population in the northern part of the territory; and the Yoruba, who formed about 75% of the population in the southwest.
Although these groups have their homelands, by the 1960s, the people were dispersed across Nigeria, with all three ethnic groups represented substantially in major cities. The semi-feudal and Muslim Hausa-Fulani in the north were traditionally ruled by a conservative Islamic hierarchy consisting of emirs who in turn owed their ultimate allegiance to the Sultan of Sokoto, whom they regarded as the source of all political power and religious authority. Apart from the Hausa-Fulani, the Kanuri were another dominant majority Muslim ethnic group that had key figures in the war. They made up about 5% of Nigeria's population and were the dominant ethnic group in the north-east. They historically successfully resisted the Sokoto Caliphate during the 19th century through their millennium-long Kanem-Bornu empire.
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The southernmost part of the region, known as the Middle Belt, had large Christian and Animist populations. Through missionary activities and the 'Northernisation' policy of the Regional Government, the sub-region had a significant share of Eurocentric-educated population. The Yoruba political system in the southwest, like that of the Hausa-Fulani, also consisted of a series of monarchs, the Obas. In contrast to the two other groups, Igbos in the southeast lived in autonomous, democratically organised communities. Unlike the other two regions, decisions within the Igbo communities were made by a general assembly in which men and women participated.
The differing political systems and structures reflected and produced divergent customs and values. The Hausa-Fulani commoners, having contact with the political system only through a village head designated by the emir or one of his subordinates, did not view political leaders as amenable to influence. Political decisions were to be submitted to. As with many other authoritarian religious and political systems, leadership positions were given to persons willing to be subservient and loyal to superiors. In contrast to the Hausa-Fulani, the Igbos and other Biafrans often participated directly in the decisions that affected their lives. Furthermore, they had a lively awareness of the political system, regarding it as instrumental for achieving their personal goals.
These tradition-derived differences were perpetuated and perhaps enhanced by the colonial government in Nigeria. In the north, the colonial government found it convenient to rule indirectly through the emirs, thus perpetuating rather than changing the indigenous authoritarian political system. Christian missionaries were excluded from the north, and the area thus remained virtually closed to European cultural influence. By contrast, the richest of the Igbo often sent their sons to British universities, with the intention of preparing them to work with the British.
During the ensuing years, the northern emirs maintained their traditional political and religious institutions while reinforcing their social structure. At the time of independence in 1960, the north was by far the most underdeveloped area in Nigeria. It had an English literacy rate of 2%, as compared to 19.2% in the east (literacy in Ajami, local languages in Arabic script, learned in connection with religious education, was much higher). In the west, the missionaries rapidly introduced Western forms of education. Consequently, the Yoruba were the first group in Nigeria to adopt Western bureaucratic social norms. Missionaries were introduced at a later date in eastern areas because the British experienced difficulty establishing firm control over the highly autonomous communities there.
However, the Igbo and other Biafran people actively embraced Western education, and they overwhelmingly came to adopt Christianity. Population pressure in the Igbo homeland, combined with aspirations for monetary wages, drove thousands of Igbos to other parts of Nigeria in search of work. The colonial administration divided Nigeria into three regions-North, West, and East-something which exacerbated the already well-developed economic, political, and social differences among Nigeria's different ethnic groups. The country was divided in such a way that the North had a slightly higher population than the other two regions combined. There were also widespread reports of fraud during Nigeria's first census, and even today, population remains a highly political issue in Nigeria.
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On this basis, the Northern Region was allocated a majority of the seats in the Federal Legislature established by the colonial authorities. Within each of the three regions the dominant ethnic groups, the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo, respectively formed political parties that were largely regional and based on ethnic allegiances: the Northern People's Congress (NPC) in the North; the Action Group in the West (AG); and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) in the East.
The basis of modern Nigeria was formed in 1914 when the United Kingdom amalgamated the Northern and Southern protectorates. Beginning with the Northern Protectorate, the British implemented a system of indirect rule, in which they exerted influence through alliances with local forces. This system worked so well that Colonial Governor Frederick Lugard successfully lobbied to extend it to the Southern Protectorate through amalgamation. In this way, a foreign and hierarchical system of governance was imposed on the Igbos.
Intellectuals began to agitate for greater rights and independence. The size of this intellectual class increased significantly in the 1950s, with the massive expansion of the national education program. During the 1940s and 1950s, the Igbo and Yoruba parties were at the forefront of the campaign for independence from British rule. Northern leaders, fearful that independence would mean political and economic domination by the more Westernized elites in the South, preferred the continuation of British rule. As a condition for accepting independence, they demanded that the country continue to be divided into three regions, with the North having a clear majority.
However, the two Southern regions had significant cultural and ideological differences, leading to discord between the two Southern political parties. Firstly, the AG favoured a loose confederacy of regions in the emergent Nigerian nation, whereby each region would be in total control of its own distinct territory. The status of Lagos was a sore point for the AG, which did not want Lagos, a Yoruba town situated in Western Nigeria (which was at that time the federal capital and seat of national government), to be designated as the capital of Nigeria, if it meant loss of Yoruba sovereignty. The AG insisted that Lagos must be completely recognised as a Yoruba town without any loss of identity, control, or autonomy by the Yoruba.
Contrary to this position, the NCNC was anxious to declare Lagos, by virtue of it being the "Federal Capital Territory" as "no man's land"-a declaration which as could be expected angered the AG, which offered to help fund the development of another territory in Nigeria as "Federal Capital Territory" and then threatened secession from Nigeria if it didn't get its way. The threat of secession by the AG was tabled, documented, and recorded in numerous constitutional conferences, including the constitutional conference held in London in 1954, with the demand that a right of secession be enshrined in the constitution of the emerging Nigerian nation to allow any part of the emergent nation to opt out of Nigeria, should the need arise.
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This proposal for the inclusion of the right of secession by the regions in independent Nigeria by the AG was rejected and resisted by NCNC, which vehemently argued for a tightly bound united/unitary structured nation because it viewed the provision of a secession clause as detrimental to the formation of a unitary Nigerian state. In the face of sustained opposition by the NCNC delegates, later joined by the NPC and backed by threats to view maintenance of the inclusion of secession by the AG as treasonable by the British, the AG was forced to renounce its position of inclusion of the right of secession a part of the Nigerian constitution. Had such a provision been made in the Nigerian constitution, later events which led to the Nigerian/Biafran civil war may have been avoided.
In 1946, the British divided the Southern Region into the Western Region and the Eastern Region. Each government was entitled to collect royalties from resources extracted within its area. This changed in 1956 when Shell-BP found large petroleum deposits in the Eastern region. A Commission led by Sir Jeremy Raisman and Ronald Tress determined that resource royalties would now enter a "Distributable Pools Account" with the money split between different parts of government (50% to region of origin, 20% to federal government, 30% to other regions).
To ensure continuing influence, the British government promoted unity in the Northern bloc and secessionist sentiments among and within the two Southern regions. Nigeria gained independence on 1 October 1960, and the First Republic came to be on 1 October 1963. The first prime minister of Nigeria, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, was a northerner and co-founder of the Northern People's Congress. He formed an alliance with the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons party, and its popular nationalist leader Nnamdi "Zik" Azikiwe, who became Governor General and then President.
Workers became increasingly aggrieved by low wages and bad conditions, especially when they compared their lot to the lifestyles of politicians in Lagos. Most wage earners lived in the Lagos area, and many lived in overcrowded dangerous housing. Labour activity including strikes intensified in 1963, culminating in a nationwide general strike in June 1964. Strikers disobeyed an ultimatum to return to work and at one point were dispersed by riot police. Eventually, they did win wage increases. The strike included people from all ethnic groups.
The 1964 elections, which involved heavy campaigning all year, brought ethnic and regional divisions into focus. Resentment of politicians ran high, and many campaigners feared for their safety while touring the country. Widespread reports of fraud tarnished the election's legitimacy. Westerners especially resented the political domination of the Northern People's Congress, many of whose candidates ran unopposed in the election.
In addition to Shell-BP, the British reaped profits from mining and commerce. Using the "martial races" theory first developed under the Raj in 19th-century India, the colonial government had decided that peoples from northern Nigeria such as the Hausa, Tiv, and Kanuri were the hard "martial races" whose recruitment was encouraged while the peoples from southern Nigeria such as the Igbos and the Yoruba were viewed as too soft to make for good soldiers and hence their recruitment was discouraged. As a result, by 1958, men from northern Nigeria made up 62% of the Nigeria Regiment while men from the south and the west made up only 36%. In 1958, the policy was changed: henceforward men from the north would make up only 50% of the soldiers while men from the southeast and southwest were each to make up 25%.
On 15 January 1966, Major Chukuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna, and other junior Army officers (mostly majors and captains) attempted a coup d'état. The two major political leaders of the north, the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa and the Premier of the northern region, Sir Ahmadu Bello were killed by Major Nzeogwu. Also murdered was Bello's wife and officers of Northern extraction. The President, Sir Nnamdi Azikiwe, an Igbo, was on an extended vacation in the West Indies. He did not return until days after the coup. There was widespread suspicion that the Igbo coup plotters had tipped him and other Igbo leaders off regarding the pending coup.
Within a year, Nigerian government troops surrounded Biafra, while capturing coastal oil facilities and the city of Port Harcourt. Alongside the concurrent Vietnam War, the Nigerian Civil War was one of the first wars in human history to be televised to a global audience. In mid-1968, images of malnourished and starving Biafran children saturated the mass media of Western countries. The plight of the starving Biafrans became a cause célèbre in foreign countries, enabling a significant rise in the funding and prominence of international non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Additionally, Biafra received international humanitarian aid from civilians during the Biafran airlift, an event which inspired the formation of Doctors Without Borders following the end of the war.
The war highlighted challenges within pan-Africanism during the early stages of African independence from colonial rule, suggesting that the diverse nature of African people may present obstacles to achieving common unity.
France vs. Nigeria in Football
France and Nigeria have met on the football field, creating another layer to their complex relationship. Here's a look at some key moments and insights:
- Previous Encounters: France and Nigeria have only met once in a friendly match back in 2009, where the Super Eagles beat Les Bleus 1-0 in Saint-Etienne thanks to a Joseph Akpala goal.
- World Cup Stage: The two teams have not met at the World Cup. However, the French will be wary that the Africans have never advanced further than the last 16 at the tournament and stand on the brink of history.
- France's World Cup History against CAF Opponents: Deschamps and his players will hope that Nigeria's current internal struggles affect them on the pitch as Les Tricolores have lost two of their past three fixtures -- against Senegal and South Africa -- to Confederation of African Football (CAF) opponents at the World Cup.
France arrived at Brazil hoping to lay memories of their 2010 fiasco to rest, and have emerged as one of the strongest sides in the group stage. Meanwhile, Nigeria managed to stave off Iran and Bosnia-Herzegovina to become runners-up of Group F.
Nigeria claimed their first European victory under Stephen Keshi when they beat Bosnia-Herzegovina in their second group game a week ago. Further confidence came from pushing Argentina hard before falling to a 3-2 loss. Keshi has been boosted by the return of Godfrey Oboabona from injury, although he is unlikely to shift Joseph Yobo at this time. However, that piece of good news is tempered by the loss of Babatunde Michael with a broken arm. He has been ruled out of the tournament. Further aggravation comes in the form of a bonus row that saw players boycott training until the intervention of President Goodluck Jonathan.
The key battle in this one, from a French perspective at least, will be the one between the France attack and Nigerian goalkeeper Vincent Enyeama. The 31-year-old is famed in Ligue 1 for his shot-stopping ability and Deschamps will be aware that beating the Lille custodian will be a entirely separate battle to overcoming the rest of his Nigerian teammates on the pitch. An early goal could be key for the French in this one, especially as they are making a habit of creating plenty of chances but not always taking them. Karim Benzema, Olivier Giroud and Mathieu Valbuena cannot afford to be wasteful when faced with the task of beating Enyeama.
At the end of the group phase, Benzema's three goals trail only Leo Messi, Neymar and Thomas Muller all on four. But his two assists are unmatched by that trio. This means that Omeruo, who has faced down and triumphed against all but Messi, will have a difficult time on his hands. The same can be said of Benzema, actually. Not many strikers have enjoyed success against Nigeria's strapping young starlet, and the French striker may have to play to Messi-esque levels to best him.
France deserve to go through to the quarterfinals because, aside from the Ecuador match, they have been playing some of the best football at the World Cup so far. Les Bleus have been entertaining and have produced some beautiful and breathtaking football at times. Although not considered favourites at the start in Brazil, Deschamps' men have quickly proved that they are capable of handling the loss of the talismanic Franck Ribery and -- if anything -- are actually now thriving without him. France against either Germany or Algeria in the last eight would be a mammoth encounter, considering the historic rivalry with the Germans and the country's sizable Algerian contingent.
Written off by all, including their own fans, after their opening draw against Iran, the Super Eagles have bounced back to surprise almost everyone. A gritty win over Bosnia was followed by a fearlessly gutsy give-and-take against Argentina, which could rank as one of the games of the tournament so far. Along with Algeria, the hopes of a continent now rest on their determination, skill and fighting spirit. They will not want to disappoint.
Nigeria have been distracted by their issues off the field over the past few days and Les Bleus' goalless draw against Ecuador will mean that the players are keen to prove themselves once again after losing a little momentum. Had the French beaten the South Americans, there would have been more than a good chance that complacency crept in ahead of this game. Instead, the disappointing result means that Deschamps' men must prove themselves once more and put in a strong performance in the Brazilian capital.
Confidence, chances and goals were in ample supply against Argentina. France is a bit of an Afro-flavoured team, and Keshi has enjoyed success against African sides.
Ifeoma Onumonu wrote herself into the history books, scoring Nigeria WNT's first-ever goal against France, as Les Bleus handed the Super Falcons a 2-1 loss on Saturday night in Angers. Former NWSL stalwart Onumonu, who now plays for Montpellier in France, reminded the hosts of the Super Falcons' potency on breakaways when she set off after a French corner kick, played a one-two and finished off the return from Gift Monday, to give Nigeria their first score against the French in three meetings.
In truth, the scoreline could have been worse, but Chiamaka Nnadozie was a rock in goal for a depleted Nigeria, facing a group of players she confronts regularly as Paris FC's stopper. Eugénie Le Sommer, on her 197th appearance for France, opened the scoring for her 94th international goal on the half hour mark after Marie-Antoinette Katoto's earlier effort was scratched off by VAR for offside, by the slightest of margins. Amel Majri doubled the score eight minutes later, getting on the end of Katoto's pullback to rifle home from close range, right after Jennifer Echegini had stung Peyraud Magnin's palms with an effort from range.
Despite his status as an interim coach, Justin Madugu has been clear that his objective is to refresh the Super Falcons going forward. That much was clearly demonstrated in the two friendlies against Algeria, where the bulk of the squad were new players. Against France, he put out a more experienced lineup, with seven of his starting XI having enjoyed similar roles at various times in the past under Randy Waldrum. But it is doubtful if all would be starting had Madugu been granted a full assemblage of players.
Still, there was room to hand a debut to forward Blessing Nkor, with Under 20 youngster Rafiat Imuran also involved from the start. That personnel disruption was bound to cause some cohesion issues and it showed. In midfield, the combination of Christy Ucheibe, Jennifer Echegini (a forward) and Toni Payne left gaping holes that were fully exploited, as France ran rings around the Nigerians for the most part. And the centerback pair of Ashleigh Plumptre and Ohale Osinachi struggled to find rhythm. It is possible that it was the frustration that led to Ohale's mouthing off at the end which earned her a second yellow card and an early walk of shame to the dressing room.
But there was promise shown, especially after the second half substitutions when Madugu threw on some new faces. All six substitutes had less than 10 combined previous appearances between them but more than held their own against more experienced opposition. Defender Sikiratu Isah was particularly outstanding. She extended goalkeeper Peyraud-Magnin with a rasping volley that had the Frenchwoman stretching full strength to tip the ball behind the goalpost, and appeared at the other end to help Nnadozie with a clearance off the line after the Nigeria goalkeeper had made a point blank save. It is a credit to Madugu that he had the courage to send them on, and still hold on for what turned out to be one of the Falcons better results against the French.
Speaking of personnel changes, left back proved to be a conundrum for Waldrum, one that he found a workaround for by moving Plumptre over there, with Tosin Demehin and Ohale the centerbacks. Demehin withdrawing from the squad with injury opened the door to youngster Imuran starting at left back, which meant the returning Plumptre was back in her natural position at centreback. Former coach Waldrum had previously told ESPN that the youngster was not quite ready to be thrown into the fire just yet, and he was proved right on the night. She was targeted by the French and with both Katoto and later Naomie Feller taking her lunch at will, and forcing Plumptre out of position to cover. Both French goals, including the disallowed effort, and some of France's best opportunities, originated from that channel. It was not the best of nights for the talented youngster, but the light at the end of the tunnel is that it is one she can certainly take lessons from.
For all of the spunk shown by the young Super Falcons team, they really still had Nnadozie to thank for the scoreline staying respectable. There is little doubt that the Paris FC goaltender is one of the best in the world at her position, and she proved it again on multiple occasions on a frosty night at the Stade Raymond Kopa. After a first half where she frustrated the French, she made a highlight save soon after the restart, denying Delphine Cascarino just after the restart with a brave effort and the forcing Majri to sky her 20-yard free-kick. But it was towards the end, with the French pressure building, that Nnadozie really showed out, showing swift reflexes to make a double save with four minutes left, as the hardworking Isah cleared after her.
Waldrum made an organized and disciplined defence a keystone of his Super Falcons team.
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